“小额豁免”终止后,一件10美元T恤或将涨至24.50美元
“小额豁免”终止后,一件10美元T恤或将涨至24.50美元

Kyle believed God was looking out for him when he survived a violent farm robbery in South Africa eight years ago with only a black eye and broken ribs. The robbers failed to get the kettle and iron working, so were unable to burn anyone. Then the gun trigger jammed when they tried to shoot Kyle in the spine.
“They specifically said they were coming back for this farm … [that] it was their land,” said the 43-year-old, who did not want to use his full name. “Only afterwards, we found out that the guy that stays on the plot was actually killed … the farmhand … I don’t know what his name was.”
Kyle, a divorced father of three, is one of thousands of white South Africans hoping to take up Donald Trump’s offer of refugee status, to escape crime and what they allege is discrimination against white people.
The Trump administration’s support for these claims, while stopping other new refugee arrivals, has inflamed uncomfortable conversations about how far racial reconciliation still has to go, three decades after the end of white minority rule.
The US president’s offer was a “godsend”, said Kyle, now a salesman working remotely for an overseas company: “I’ve got white children, they’re at the bottom of the hiring list here. So, there is no future for them. And the sad thing is they don’t even know what apartheid is.”
White Afrikaner governments racially segregated every aspect of life from relationships to where people were allowed to live during apartheid, repressing South Africa’s Black majority while keeping the white minority safe and much better off.
South Africa remains deeply unequal, more than 30 years since the system ended. The black South African unemployment rate is 46.1%, for example, compared with 9.2% for white people.
Affirmative action has created a Black elite, but also nurtured feelings of disfranchisement among some white South Africans. Less than two-thirds of white South Africans agreed that apartheid deprived black people of their livelihoods, v three-quarters of Black South Africans, according to the 2023 Reconciliation Barometer, a survey by the Institute for Justice and Reconciliation, a thinktank.
Kate Lefko-Everett, the report’s author, said: “The level of contact and interaction between South Africans of different race groups has not really changed substantially.”
South Africa’s high violent crime rate – in the last quarter of 2024 there were almost 7,000 murders, according to police figures – affects everyone. But it has also added to a siege mentality among some white people. Almost two-thirds of white people were considering emigrating, compared with 27% of all South Africans, according to 2022 Afrobarometer data.
More than 8,200 people have registered their interest in US refugee status, the New York Times reported in March. The US embassy in Pretoria refused to comment.
Chilly Chomse, a 43-year-old carpenter, said he wanted to claim asylum for the sake of his four daughters.
He moved to Orania, a white, Afrikaner-only town, for work during the Covid-19 pandemic, but said he was not committed like some residents: “Once you leave this Orania premises, you are still in South Africa … you’re not safe and you can’t remain here 24/7 for the rest of your life.”
While some white English-speaking South Africans like Kyle hope the refugee programme will include them too, Trump’s February executive order referred to “ethnic minority Afrikaners”. It claimed a recently signed South African law that allows land expropriation in limited circumstances would enable the government to seize Afrikaners’ property, while state policy was “fuelling disproportionate violence against racially disfavoured landowners” (a longstanding far-right claim).
When Esté Richter, a friend of Chomse’s in Orania, heard about Trump’s refugee policy, she initially did not believe it. “Then I felt that someone has heard us, finally, that someone has heard the cries of Afrikaners,” said Richter, 35, who homeschools her two children and helps her husband with plumbing jobs.
“The main reason why we are looking at the refugee programme is in September 2022 my husband’s father was murdered on his farm,” she said. Richter’s mother-in-law was burned with a hot iron, beaten up and abandoned in the bush, but survived.
The Afrikaner rights group AfriForum met Trump allies in the US during his first term, claiming the South African government was “complicit” in white farmer murders. The group, which has 300,000 members, continues to claim that “Afrikaners are the target”.
Rudolph Zinn, a University of Limpopo professor, noted South African police data on farm attacks – which listed 12 “farming community” murders in the final quarter of 2024 – included black smallholder farms and non-commercial plots.
He said: “It’s definitely not linked to any political motive or a specific race. It’s all about the money.”
Zinn said imprisoned farm robbers he interviewed said they would tailor their language to instil as much fear as possible to get victims to hand over cash and valuables. “If it’s a white victim, then they would say: ‘I hate you because you’ve taken our land.’ But the very same offender would, when it’s a Black victim, say: ‘You’re a coconut, black on the outside, but inside you’re white.’”
Both AfriForum, which promotes staying in South Africa, and the prospective refugees raised the controversial Kill the Boer song as a reason for their fears. A South African court ruled in 2022 that the song, sung by the populist, far-left Economic Freedom Fighters party at political rallies, was not meant literally.
Others said South Africa risked a “white genocide”, a conspiratorial claim repeated by Trump’s billionaire, South African-born adviser Elon Musk.
Sam Busa, a 60-year-old business consultant of British descent, wants to claim asylum for herself and her three adult sons. She set up an “Amerikaners” website and social media pages to disseminate information, and gathered 30,000 signatures to thank Trump for offering refugee status.
She said: “We’re in, in my personal opinion, an advanced stage of a genocide potentially unfolding. What that does is it effectively throws out any argument about economic status.”
Pakistan's information minister says that the country has "credible intelligence" that India intends to launch a military strike within the next 24 to 36 hours.
Attaullah Tarar's comments come after India accused Pakistan of supporting militants behind an attack in Indian-administered Kashmir that killed 26 tourists last week. Islamabad rejects the allegations.
Tarar said that India intends to use the attack as a "false pretext" for a strike and that "any such military adventurism by India would be responded to assuredly and decisively".
The BBC has contacted the Indian foreign ministry for comment.
The attack near the tourist town of Pahalgam was the deadliest attack on civilians in two decades in the disputed territory. Both India and Pakistan claim the region and have fought two wars over it.
Troops from both sides have traded intermittent small-arms fire across the border in recent days.
There has been speculation over whether India will respond with military strikes against Pakistan, as it did after deadly militant attacks in 2019 and 2016.
Authorities said last week they had conducted extensive searches in Indian-administered Kashmir, detaining more than 1,500 people for questioning. More people have been detained since then, although the numbers are unclear.
Authorities have demolished the houses of at least 10 alleged militants. At least one was reportedly linked to a suspect named in the shootings.
Kashmir, which India and Pakistan claim in full but administer only in part, has been a flashpoint between the two nuclear-armed countries since they were partitioned in 1947.
Indian-administered Kashmir has seen an armed insurgency against Indian rule since 1989, with militants targeting security forces and civilians alike.
India has not named any group it suspects carried out the attack in Pahalgam and it remains unclear who did it. A little-known group called the Resistance Front, which was initially reported to have claimed it carried out the shootings, issued a statement denying involvement. The front is reportedly affiliated with Lashkar-e-Taiba, a Pakistan-based militant group.
Indian police have named three of four suspected attackers. They said two were Pakistani nationals and one a local man from Indian-administered Kashmir. There is no information on the fourth man.
Many survivors said the gunmen specifically targeted Hindu men.
The attack has sparked widespread anger in India, with Prime Minister Narendra Modi publicly saying the country will hunt the suspects "till the ends of the earth" and that those who planned and carried it out "will be punished beyond their imagination".
© Qilai Shen for The New York Times
(德國之聲中文網)台灣外交部週四(29日)發聲明指出,索馬利亞政府自30日起,禁止持台灣護照或台方附屬機構簽發的相關旅行證件進出及過境索馬利亞聯邦。
台灣外交部稱,索馬利亞民航局於上週二(22日)通告,稱以「聯合國大會第2758號決議」為依據,主張「一個中國」原則,因此做出禁用台灣護照及旅行證件的決定。
台灣外交部也譴責索馬利亞政府受到中國「唆使」,錯誤解釋聯大第2758號決議、與北京主張的「一中原則」掛勾,「圖謀製造台灣隸屬於中華人民共和國的假象」,要求索馬利亞撤銷該公告。
索馬利亞民航局及中國外交部尚未回應。
近年來,中國對於2758決議的詮釋更加強勢,多次以該決議為依據,公開宣稱擁有對台灣主權,但也引發多國反彈,包含美國、歐盟、澳洲、荷蘭國會均陸續表態,強調2758決議「對台灣地位問題並未採取立場」。
值得注意的是,台灣外交部週四在聲明中也提及索馬利蘭,批評索馬利亞政府藉由控制索馬利蘭領空,阻止雙邊人民交流,對非洲之角情勢造成惡劣影響。
2020年,台灣及索馬利蘭於互設代表處,引發中國及索馬利亞不滿。
索馬利蘭在1991年宣告脫離索馬利亞獨立,但並未獲得國際社會的廣泛承認。
(綜合報導)
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山东江海汇集团于去年“暴雷”,涉案金额高达200亿元人民币,波及逾六万个家庭。随着集团董事长夫妇潜逃美国、维权无门的受害者逐步寻求外界关注,多位因转发外媒报道或接受采访的储户,近期却遭警方以“被境外反华势力利用”为由行政拘留,进一步引发舆论对中国当局对封锁信息流通和言论管控的担忧。
王女士是江海汇案的受害者之一,因安全考量不愿公开全名。她在本周三(4月30日)接受自由亚洲电台采访时披露,潍坊、枣庄等地的十余名储户因在群组或私下分享外媒报道或曾接受自由亚洲电台采访,近期陆续被当地警方行政拘留:“我们这边原来和你联系过的人都拘留了,说是被国际反华势力所利用,还说我们都在犯罪。他们(警方)拿着(海外)各大网站上发布的消息,拘留了十几个人,还有一些外省市的人,其中还有互相推荐(分享报道)的人。公安局的人拿来(报道)给我看了,说是反华势力。”
江海汇集团爆雷后,董事长安志斌与妻子周春卫被指在地方政府官员的庇护下远赴美国,而六万多名受害家庭损失惨重。尽管受害人多次请求官方公开案件真相、追回资金,却屡遭公安机关传唤、拘留与监控。
另一名不愿具名的张女士告诉本台,被拘留者多数为女性:“有的已经获释两周,也有少数人仍然没有获释。被拘留的人都说,他们不知道采访他们的是记者,就说是在跟北京的律师联系。我们都说相信让律师协助我们声张正义,把被诈骗的钱追回来,所以我们都这样说。警察还不让我们再和境外反华势力接触。我说,你们(政府)不做那些事情,我们能被人家利用吗?我说我只想把消息发出去看看你们(警察)是否违法,至于是否‘反华’,我不懂。”
本台就此分别致电山东省潍坊和枣庄公安局,试图了解被拘留者相关信息,但电话始终无人接听。
受害者们已经向中共中央纪委监委及公安部呼吁,要求彻查案件、追讨涉案200多亿元资金,依法维护自身合法权益。根据受害者提供的内容显示,他们批评山东警方将江海汇案定性为“非法吸收公众存款”存在严重错误,强调该案应属“合同诈骗”。公开信指出:“经侦(警察)提交的江海汇案件,有些地方不符合事实,对我们受害人造成了极大的伤害……程序违法,案件还没立案,山东省公安厅就主观地定为‘非吸’,设计好‘非吸’表格让受害者填写……内容也违法,江海汇集团持有政府官方颁发的六大金融业务许可牌照,年年依法纳税,次次年检合格……”
信中还质问:“哪有人民政府政策鼓励的非法集资?哪有政府参股经营、官员站台支持的非法集资?又哪有政府收保证金的非法集资?”
受害者强调,江海汇所从事的“应急转贷”业务原本就是政府主导,旨在帮助民营企业渡过资金难关,并引用山东省多个政府部门联合发布的相关文件,指出地方政府不但未尽监管职责,反而涉嫌行政违法。并呼吁:“我们是相信政府才成为出借人的,希望政府给我们一个公正、满意的结果。‘为人民服务’不能只是一句空话!‘安居乐业’不能只是空中楼阁!”
对于江海汇集团暴雷案,山东临沂居民乐女士接受本台采访时说,2023年以来,山东多家集资企业因资金链断裂而先后倒闭,而去年最为严重:“各地很多融资公司他们吸收资金的目的都很明确,用这种模式去有计划的融资,然后把这笔资金转移出去(境外),再选择时机逃离(中国),还有的把资产转移后,推出一个代理人来顶罪。老百姓的钱就拿不回来了。”
据本台3月26日报道,江海汇集团董事长夫妇逃至美国后,约十万受害人持续维权,质疑警方将案件归类为“非法集资”是为规避责任,并计划发动大规模集会。
江海汇公司骗案引发民众抗争并非孤例。据X平台账号“李老师不是你老师”披露,4月22日,中融信托暴雷引发受害者前往北京维权,数百人被警察强制带走,部分老年人、妇女、癌症患者也遭遇粗暴对待,双方发生肢体冲突。3月25日,海银诈骗案受害者在上海维权时,同样遭到当局暴力应对。
责编:许书婷 陈美华
© 受访者提供/记者乾朗
© Jean Guichard/Gamma-Rapho, via Getty Images
© Haiyun Jiang for The New York Times
央视新闻
4月29日12时25分,辽宁辽阳市白塔区三里庄回迁楼附近一饭店发生火灾。截至当天14时,事故已造成22人死亡、3人受伤。今天(4月30日),辽宁召开新闻发布会,介绍最新情况。
目前,公安机关已封闭火灾现场,依法控制事故饭店经营者。经调查,起火部位为门口的侧面,饭店内部无燃气管线,现场3个钢瓶处于完好状态,起火原因排除燃气爆炸,公安部门排除人为放火可能,事故具体原因正在调查中,目前正围绕遗留烟头、电气故障等方向开展调查。
初步分析,由于饭店内家具和装修材料易燃,加之室外风力较大,火势迅速封闭出口,室内被困人员逃生困难,短时间吸入大量有毒气体导致窒息死亡。
网络编辑:澍生
央视新闻
4月29日12时25分,辽宁辽阳市白塔区三里庄回迁楼附近一饭店发生火灾,事故共造成22人死亡、3人受伤。今天(4月30日),辽宁召开新闻发布会,介绍最新情况。
发布会上介绍,本次事故3名伤者经全力抢救,均无生命危险。
4月29日12时25分许,辽阳市消防救援支队指挥中心接到报警,白塔区三里厨娘饭店发生火灾。接警后,辽阳市消防救援支队调集4个消防站、22辆消防车、85名指战员赶赴现场。支队全勤指挥部、应急通信保障分队和战勤保障大队遂行出动,市公安、应急、医疗、卫健等部门同步开展应急处置。全勤指挥部先后组织8个搜救组、共32名指战员深入火场内部搜寻被困人员。12时43分许,明火被扑灭。
火灾事故具体原因正在调查中,调查结果将第一时间向社会公布。
网络编辑:澍生
新华社
4月29日上午,移动互联网未成年人模式在第八届数字中国建设峰会主论坛上正式发布。
立足未成年人网络保护现实需要、回应社会各界期待关切,国家网信办持续指导国内软硬件企业共同推进移动互联网未成年人模式(以下简称“未成年人模式”)建设工作。今年4月,未成年人模式突破一系列技术瓶颈,实现了全方位优化和系统性升级。
发布仪式全面展示了未成年人模式的特色亮点和主要功能。从操作方式看,移动智能终端、应用程序、应用程序分发平台实现三方联动,大大降低了模式的使用门槛。家长可在手机端显著位置点击图标,“一键启动”未成年人模式,所有应用程序同步切换,形成一个相对独立、安全可控的上网环境。从内容生态看,适合未成年人的优质内容得到大幅扩充,重点平台依托儿童内容创作者、版权资源、权威机构等,筛选海量内容纳入未成年人模式,并建立年龄分层、内容分类、推荐分众的梯度化内容体系,更好满足未成年人的精神文化需求。从功能服务看,未成年人模式可以提供每日上网总时长控制、使用时段设置、休息提醒、应用管理、使用情况统计等功能,家长可根据实际情况调整各项设置,实现对未成年人上网行为的合理引导。从覆盖范围看,华为、OPPO和中兴在手机系统更新后提供未成年人模式,小米、荣耀和vivo在发布的新机上搭载未成年人模式,应用商店建立未成年人专区,短视频、社交、电商、教育、工具等领域重点应用程序全面升级未成年人模式。后续模式的覆盖范围还将持续扩大,满足未成年人日常使用需求、提供丰富多元服务。
国家网信办相关负责人表示,充分发挥未成年人模式保护作用,离不开各方面的共同努力。一方面,将持续指导和支持鼓励平台优化未成年人模式,让这一技术工具更易用更好用。另一方面,希望广大家长和未成年人主动开启未成年人模式,提出宝贵意见,共同营造安全健康、清朗向上的网络环境。
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网络编辑:澍生
Kyle believed God was looking out for him when he survived a violent farm robbery in South Africa eight years ago with only a black eye and broken ribs. The robbers failed to get the kettle and iron working, so were unable to burn anyone. Then the gun trigger jammed when they tried to shoot Kyle in the spine.
“They specifically said they were coming back for this farm … [that] it was their land,” said the 43-year-old, who did not want to use his full name. “Only afterwards, we found out that the guy that stays on the plot was actually killed … the farmhand … I don’t know what his name was.”
Kyle, a divorced father of three, is one of thousands of white South Africans hoping to take up Donald Trump’s offer of refugee status, to escape crime and what they allege is discrimination against white people.
The Trump administration’s support for these claims, while stopping other new refugee arrivals, has inflamed uncomfortable conversations about how far racial reconciliation still has to go, three decades after the end of white minority rule.
The US president’s offer was a “godsend”, said Kyle, now a salesman working remotely for an overseas company: “I’ve got white children, they’re at the bottom of the hiring list here. So, there is no future for them. And the sad thing is they don’t even know what apartheid is.”
White Afrikaner governments racially segregated every aspect of life from relationships to where people were allowed to live during apartheid, repressing South Africa’s Black majority while keeping the white minority safe and much better off.
South Africa remains deeply unequal, more than 30 years since the system ended. The black South African unemployment rate is 46.1%, for example, compared with 9.2% for white people.
Affirmative action has created a Black elite, but also nurtured feelings of disfranchisement among some white South Africans. Less than two-thirds of white South Africans agreed that apartheid deprived black people of their livelihoods, v three-quarters of Black South Africans, according to the 2023 Reconciliation Barometer, a survey by the Institute for Justice and Reconciliation, a thinktank.
Kate Lefko-Everett, the report’s author, said: “The level of contact and interaction between South Africans of different race groups has not really changed substantially.”
South Africa’s high violent crime rate – in the last quarter of 2024 there were almost 7,000 murders, according to police figures – affects everyone. But it has also added to a siege mentality among some white people. Almost two-thirds of white people were considering emigrating, compared with 27% of all South Africans, according to 2022 Afrobarometer data.
More than 8,200 people have registered their interest in US refugee status, the New York Times reported in March. The US embassy in Pretoria refused to comment.
Chilly Chomse, a 43-year-old carpenter, said he wanted to claim asylum for the sake of his four daughters.
He moved to Orania, a white, Afrikaner-only town, for work during the Covid-19 pandemic, but said he was not committed like some residents: “Once you leave this Orania premises, you are still in South Africa … you’re not safe and you can’t remain here 24/7 for the rest of your life.”
While some white English-speaking South Africans like Kyle hope the refugee programme will include them too, Trump’s February executive order referred to “ethnic minority Afrikaners”. It claimed a recently signed South African law that allows land expropriation in limited circumstances would enable the government to seize Afrikaners’ property, while state policy was “fuelling disproportionate violence against racially disfavoured landowners” (a longstanding far-right claim).
When Esté Richter, a friend of Chomse’s in Orania, heard about Trump’s refugee policy, she initially did not believe it. “Then I felt that someone has heard us, finally, that someone has heard the cries of Afrikaners,” said Richter, 35, who homeschools her two children and helps her husband with plumbing jobs.
“The main reason why we are looking at the refugee programme is in September 2022 my husband’s father was murdered on his farm,” she said. Richter’s mother-in-law was burned with a hot iron, beaten up and abandoned in the bush, but survived.
The Afrikaner rights group AfriForum met Trump allies in the US during his first term, claiming the South African government was “complicit” in white farmer murders. The group, which has 300,000 members, continues to claim that “Afrikaners are the target”.
Rudolph Zinn, a University of Limpopo professor, noted South African police data on farm attacks – which listed 12 “farming community” murders in the final quarter of 2024 – included black smallholder farms and non-commercial plots.
He said: “It’s definitely not linked to any political motive or a specific race. It’s all about the money.”
Zinn said imprisoned farm robbers he interviewed said they would tailor their language to instil as much fear as possible to get victims to hand over cash and valuables. “If it’s a white victim, then they would say: ‘I hate you because you’ve taken our land.’ But the very same offender would, when it’s a Black victim, say: ‘You’re a coconut, black on the outside, but inside you’re white.’”
Both AfriForum, which promotes staying in South Africa, and the prospective refugees raised the controversial Kill the Boer song as a reason for their fears. A South African court ruled in 2022 that the song, sung by the populist, far-left Economic Freedom Fighters party at political rallies, was not meant literally.
Others said South Africa risked a “white genocide”, a conspiratorial claim repeated by Trump’s billionaire, South African-born adviser Elon Musk.
Sam Busa, a 60-year-old business consultant of British descent, wants to claim asylum for herself and her three adult sons. She set up an “Amerikaners” website and social media pages to disseminate information, and gathered 30,000 signatures to thank Trump for offering refugee status.
She said: “We’re in, in my personal opinion, an advanced stage of a genocide potentially unfolding. What that does is it effectively throws out any argument about economic status.”
If last year's general election was all consuming and everywhere, this year's local elections, in truth, are neither.
That is not to denigrate for a moment how much they matter in the places where they are happening, nor the extent to which they will mould the mood of national politics in their aftermath.
But the reality is there are not many contests this year, not least because some have been postponed because of an imminent shake-up in local government structures in some places.
So there is a very good chance you are reading this in a part of the country without any contests.
And there is a good chance too, given what I hear from the political parties, that your heart might not be pulsating in ecstasy even if the community centre down the road is morphing into a polling station tomorrow.
I detect a curious paradox right now: anger confronts an expectation of widespread indifference.
Turnout in local elections that do not coincide with a general election are almost always shrivelled.
But what I pick up anecdotally – I've just spent the last few days in Lincolnshire, reporting on the race to be the county's first directly elected mayor – matches what the research group More in Common has picked up in focus groups.
The group's UK Director, Luke Tryl, diagnoses a "despondency or misery about the state of Britain that doesn't feel sustainable".
Put that sentiment, reduced turnout and a splintering of party support in all sorts of directions into the mixer and what you end up with is a wildly unpredictable politics where the margins between victory and defeat could be very narrow indeed.
Or to put it more bluntly: if not many votes in total then go in lots of different directions, two things are likely: the gap between the winner and the runners-up might be rather limited, and the share of the vote needed to win could be very small.
And winning on a small share of the vote raises immediate questions about your mandate.
The elections analyst Sir John Curtice argues in the Telegraph that "the mainstream is dead", five parties have a chance of making real inroads in these contests and what stands out now is that both Labour and the Conservatives are struggling, rather than the conventional dynamic of one being up while the other is down.
The Conservatives have spent weeks talking up how down they feel about these elections.
And senior Labour folk too are cranking up the gloom in the conversations I have with them.
Which then leaves us with Reform UK, the Liberal Democrats, the Green Party and an often overlooked element of local English democracy – independents.
This is a huge moment for Reform.
One of the standout trends in British politics since the general election last year has been the party's rising support in the opinion polls.
What Thursday will test is the extent to which that translates into real votes in real elections.
The party's talk is big – they say they can win the next general election. The next few days will give us a sense of how or whether, albeit up to four years out from choosing the next government, that is a plausible claim.
When you wake up on Friday morning. if, unlike political nerds, you have actually been to bed, the headlines that will greet you will be about Reform.
That is because a lot of the contests where there is an expectation that they could win are being counted overnight.
There is the parliamentary by-election in Runcorn and Helsby near Liverpool and the race to be Lincolnshire's first mayor, for a start.
Later in the day on Friday, the emphasis will shift somewhat, as local authorities particularly but not exclusively in the south of England do their counting, and the Liberal Democrats will be looking to make extensive gains against the Conservatives in particular and we will be able to assess if the Green Party's collection of councillors has grown again.
It is only by Friday teatime that we will have a rounded picture of how all of the parties and the independents contesting these elections have fared.
And then the debate on what it all means will begin.
Nestled in the mountains of Iraqi Kurdistan sits the picturesque village of Sergele.
For generations villagers have made a living growing pomegranates, almonds and peaches and foraging in the surrounding forests for wild fruits and spices.
But Sergele, located 16km (10 miles) from the border with Turkey, has become increasingly surrounded by Turkish military bases, which are dotted across the slopes.
One, perched halfway up the western ridge, looms over the village, while another in the east is under construction.
At least seven have been built here over the past two years, including one by a small dam that regulates Sergele's water supply, rendering it off limits to villagers.
"This is 100% a form of occupation of Kurdish [Iraqi Kurdistan] lands," says farmer Sherwan Sherwan Sergeli, 50, who has lost access to some of his land.
"The Turks ruined it."
Sergele is now in danger of being dragged into what's known locally as the "Forbidden Zone" - a large strip of land in northern Iraq affected by Turkey's war with the Kurdish militant group the PKK, which launched an insurgency in southern Turkey in 1984.
The Forbidden Zone spans almost the entire length of the Iraqi border with Turkey and is up to 40km (25 miles) deep in places.
Community Peacemaker Teams, a human rights group based in Iraqi Kurdistan, says that hundreds of civilians have been killed by drone and air strikes in and around the Forbidden Zone. According to a 2020 Kurdistan parliamentary report, thousands have been forced off their land and whole villages have been emptied out by the conflict.
Sergele is now effectively on the front line of Turkey's war with the PKK.
When the BBC World Service Eye Investigations team visited the area, Turkish aircraft pummelled the mountains surrounding the village to root out PKK militants, who have long operated from caves and tunnels in northern Iraq.
Much of the land around Sergele had been burned by shelling.
"The more bases they put up, the worse it gets for us," says Sherwan.
Turkey has been rapidly growing its military presence in the Forbidden Zone in recent years, but until now the scale of this expansion was not publicly known.
Using satellite imagery assessed by experts and corroborated with on-the-ground reporting and open-source content, the BBC found that as of December 2024, the Turkish military had built at least 136 fixed military installations across northern Iraq.
Through its vast network of military bases, Turkey now holds de-facto control of more than 2,000 sq km (772 square miles) of Iraqi land, the BBC's analysis found.
Satellite images further reveal that the Turkish military has built at least 660km (410 miles) of roads connecting its facilities. These supply routes have resulted in deforestation and left a lasting imprint on the region's mountains.
While a few of the bases date back to the 1990s, 89% have been constructed since 2018, after which Turkey began significantly expanding its military presence in Iraqi Kurdistan.
The Turkish government didn't respond to the BBC's requests for interviews, but has maintained that its military bases are necessary to push back the PKK, which is designated a terrorist organisation by Ankara and a number of Western nations, including the UK.
The sub-district capital of Kani Masi, which is only 4km (2.5 miles) from the Iraqi-Turkish border and parts of which are within the Forbidden Zone, may offer a glimpse into Sergele's future.
Once famous for its apple production, few residents remain here now.
Farmer Salam Saeed, whose land is in the shadow of a large Turkish base, hasn't been able to cultivate his vineyard for the past three years.
"The moment you get here, you will have a drone hover over you," he tells the BBC.
"They will shoot you if you stay."
The Turkish military first set up here in the 1990s and has been consolidating its presence since.
Its main military base, featuring concrete blast walls, watch and communication towers and space for armoured personnel carriers to move inside, is much more developed than the smaller outposts around Sergele.
Salam, like some other locals, believes Turkey ultimately wants to claim the territory as its own.
"All they want is for us to leave these areas," he adds.
Near Kani Masi, the BBC saw first-hand how Turkish forces have effectively pushed back the Iraqi border guard, which is responsible for protecting Iraq's international boundaries.
At several locations, the border guards were manning positions well inside Iraqi territory, directly opposite Turkish troops, unable to go right up to the border and potentially risk a clash.
"The posts that you see are Turkish posts," says General Farhad Mahmoud, pointing to a ridge just across a valley, about 10km (6 miles) inside Iraqi territory.
But "we cannot reach the border to know the number of posts", he adds.
Turkey's military expansion in Iraqi Kurdistan - fuelled by its rise as a drone power and growing defence budget - is seen as part of a broader foreign policy shift towards greater interventionism in the region.
Similar to its operations in Iraq, Turkey has also sought to establish a buffer zone along its border with Syria to contain Syrian armed groups allied with the PKK.
In public, Iraq's government has condemned Turkey's military presence in the country. But behind closed doors it has accommodated some of Ankara's demands.
In 2024, the two sides signed a memorandum of understanding to jointly fight the PKK.
But the document, obtained by the BBC, did not place any limitations on Turkish troops in Iraq.
Iraq depends on Turkey for trade, investment and water security, while its fractured internal politics have further undermined the government's ability to take a strong stance.
Iraq's national government did not respond to the BBC requests for comment.
Watch Turkey’s hidden war: The Forbidden Zone on iPlayer
People outside the UK can watch the documentary on YouTube
Meanwhile, the rulers of the semi-autonomous region of Iraqi Kurdistan have a close relationship with Ankara based on mutual interests and have often downplayed the civilian harm due to Turkey's military action.
The Kurdistan Democratic Party (KDP), an arch enemy of the PKK, dominates the Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG) and has officially been in charge since 2005, when Iraq's constitution granted the region its semi-autonomous status.
The KDP's close ties with Turkey have contributed to the region's economic success and have strengthened its position, both against its regional political rivals and with the Iraqi government in Baghdad, with which it tussles for greater autonomy.
Hoshyar Zebari, a senior member of the KDP's politburo, sought to blame the PKK for Turkey's presence in Iraqi Kurdistan.
"They [the Turkish military] are not harming our people," he told the BBC.
"They are not detaining them. They are not interfering in them going about their business. Their focus, their sole goal is the PKK."
The conflict shows no signs of ending, despite the PKK's long-jailed leader Abdulla Ocalan calling in February for his fighters to lay down arms and disband.
Turkey has continued to shell targets across Iraqi Kurdistan, while the PKK claimed responsibility for downing a Turkish drone last month.
And while violent incidents in Turkey have declined since 2016, according to a tally by the NGO Crisis Group, those in Iraq have spiked, with civilians living on the border region facing growing risk of death and displacement.
One of those killed was 24-year-old Alan Ismail, a stage-four cancer patient hit by an air strike in August 2023 while on a trip to the mountains with his cousin, Hashem Shaker.
The Turkish military has denied carrying out a strike that day, but a police report seen by the BBC attributes the incident to a Turkish drone.
When Hashem filed a complaint in a local court about the attack he was detained by Kurdish security forces and held for eight months on suspicion of supporting the PKK - an accusation he and his family deny.
"It has destroyed us. It's like killing the whole family," says Ismail Chichu, Alan's father.
"They [the Turks] have no rights to kill people in their own country on their own land."
Turkey's Defence Ministry did not respond to the BBC's requests for comment. It has previously told the media that the Turkish armed forces follow international law, and that in the planning and execution of their operations they only target terrorists, while taking care to prevent harm to civilians.
The BBC has seen documents suggesting Kurdish authorities may have acted to help Turkey evade accountability for civilian casualties.
Confidential papers seen by the BBC show a Kurdish court closed the investigation into Alan's killing, saying the perpetrator was unknown.
And his death certificate - issued by Kurdish authorities and seen by the BBC - says he died because of "explosive fragments".
Failing to mention when victims of air strikes have died as a result of violence, rather than an accident, makes it difficult for families to seek justice and compensation, to which they're entitled under both Iraqi and Kurdish law.
"In most of the death certificates, they only wrote 'infijar', which means explosion," says Kamaran Othman from Community Peacemaker Teams.
"It can be anything exploding.
"I think the Kurdish Regional Government doesn't want to make Turkey responsible for what they are doing here."
The KRG said it acknowledged the "tragic loss of civilians resulting from military confrontation between the PKK and Turkish army in the region".
It added that "a number of casualties" had been documented as "civilian martyrs", meaning they have been unjustly killed and entitling them to compensation.
Almost two years after Alan was killed, his family is still waiting, if not for compensation, at least for acknowledgement from the KRG.
"They could at least send their condolences - we don't need their compensation," says Ismail.
"When something is gone, it's gone forever."
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The power is out and nothing is working. How am I supposed to get through the day?
That was the question faced by millions of people on Monday across Spain and Portugal during the worst electricity blackout in their history.
We ask people who spent the day without electricity about what helped them get on with life and what outage essentials they were missing.
Paying with phone and card has become the norm, but in cities across Spain and Portugal, queues formed at cash machines - at least the ones that were still working - as shops switched away from card payments.
"We managed to pay for our coffees with card when the outage first started, [but later] we didn't have any cash so we couldn't buy a thing," Ed Rowe, 26, in Madrid told the BBC.
"All the restaurants that were open were cash only."
Grace O'Leary, 32, who also lives in Spain's capital, said she and her mum were counting coins to see if she had enough money to buy wine from a corner shop.
"Cash, apparently, is in fact, king."
Jaime Giorgio, 28, was lucky enough to have some cash on him, which allowed him to buy food and other essentials.
"In Madrid it was quite chaotic, there was no tube and you couldn't take out any cash.
"I had cash, but my flatmate didn't, so I had to lend him money to buy things."
The power outage also led to an information blackout, as people spent the day without internet, WhatsApp, calls, and TV.
"The complete loss of communication was the most confusing and concerning thing... we were only left to speculate as to the cause and piece together news from people in the neighbourhood," said Daniel Clegg from Barcelona.
The 42-year-old said the absence of information led him to looking at the sky to see if planes were still flying.
For Siegfried and Christine Buschschluter, an old windup transistor radio helped tune in to local radio stations to find out what was happening after their phones stopped working and power went off at their rural home outside Spain's capital.
Christine, 82, explained: "You had to keep on winding and winding.
"It was quite a strange situation. I was born in Berlin during the war and it reminded me of those days when my parents tried to get some news - it took me back."
The couple reckon the outage will lead to boom in demand for battery-operated radios.
And it is also on Daniel's shopping list. "Essential kit for back to basics communication and staying informed that I completely neglected to remember."
Microwaves, air fryers and some hobs and ovens all demand electricity.
But on Monday food that does not require electricity to heat or prepare it were in demand.
In supermarkets, shoppers formed long queues and panic-bought essentials - echoing scenes from the Covid-19 pandemic.
"We bought a lot of food that wasn't going to go off, like tuna in cans, just in case," says actor Jaime.
"The outage only lasted a day and now we have so much food, but most of it isn't going to go bad, as it is easily preserved."
Lesley Elder, in town Fortuna in south-eastern Spain, said: "Trying to find food you don't need to heat up, that was more difficult than we thought.
"So we ended up having ham and cheese for dinner."
She adds a little gas stove to heat up food in a pan would have been helpful.
Across the Iberian peninsula, people turned to candles to light up dark spaces.
Richard, who lives in the Spanish city of Alcala de Henares, said not a single street light was on when night fell.
"People were finding their way around by torchlight. It was quite surreal seeing the view from my window totally black especially as I live next to a dual carriageway," he said.
"In my spare time, I make candles and luckily I had a few going spare so I could see in the dark."
Sarah Baxter, from Barcelona, said she even used a candle stovetop to heat up food.
"We could heat beans and rice, and bring water to a boil for instant potatoes," she said.
"It was much safer than a propane camping stove inside the apartment."
Although candles and naked flames can pose a fire risk.
With no power people relied on having battery in their devices.
In Madrid, people queued outside tech shops to get their hands on a power bank.
Luckily for Sarah she had a solar charger that kept her phone charged through ten hours of blackout, and helped her elderly neighbour do the same.
Lesley says her Kindle ran out of battery. "No TV, no Scrabble puzzle on my phone. So having a couple of books would have been helpful," she said.
But for others, not having access to the internet and their devices was a relief.
"Everyone relies on technology so much that it's quite a nice reminder you can be more independent," said Ed.
"You don't have to be connected with everyone all the time," said his flatmate Hannah Steiner, 23. "I was having a good time with my flatmates."
Sara Francisco, 24, from Leiria, in central Portugal, said: "I feel this thing that happened was important to make us be more aware and be more conscious about our habits."
The global significance of Mark Carney's election as Canadian Prime Minister is he now sits at the centre of an alternative pole of global economic thinking. Everything but Trump.
There was a half expectation here that Carney would immediately sue for peace with President Trump when the polls closed on the election. It has emphatically not happened.
In the final days of polling, in his victory speech in Ottawa, and in his interview with me, he clearly intends to continue with the approach that has brought him to elected power, with a majority still possible. Even if he falls just short of a majority, two of the other main party leaders have lost their seats, and are likely to sign up to some degree behind a united Canada agenda on issues facing the US.
Underpinning this approach is absolute conviction that the US is making a mistake that will primarily and visibly backfire on itself, its companies, and its consumers. The fact the White House is attacking Amazon for "hostile acts" in publishing tariffs is a cast-iron example of this. President Trump's gun is pointed primarily at his own feet, the thinking goes.
Jordan Peterson, an implacable opponent of Mark Carney, recently lamented on Joe Rogan's podcast that "once Carney is elected, Trump will not have a more seasoned enemy in the West. Carney is very well connected especially in Europe and the UK."
While "enemy" is overstating it, Peterson was right, and additionally Carney is also very adept at understanding the nexus between markets and headlines. He made a number of announcements as PM about rethinking the purchase of US fighter jets, slightly changing the purchases of US government debt, all of which would have quickly focused some minds in the US.
That said, there is significant potential economic damage about to be wrought by these tariffs on a Canadian economy, with three quarters of its exports going to the US. There is no getting away from that.
Carney's answer during the campaign was to accept the US has changed and to diversify. A credible push in that direction might also help any chance of US businesses, Congress, or forces within the administration rowing back on the tariffs.
Carney was abundantly clear to me that he is in no rush to go to the White House or Mar-a-Lago.
"We'll have a partnership on our terms. There's a win-win possibility there, but on our terms, not on their terms," he said.
A key part of that is forging new strategic alliances elsewhere, with Europe, and the UK. "One would assume" that Canada and the UK could do a free trade agreement that has been stalled, he told me. Co-operation on defence and Canada's abundant critical minerals is also on the table. He also dismissed President Trump's territorial ambitions not just for his country, but Greenland and Panama too.
On the campaign trail in his hometown of Edmonton, I heard him say "America's leadership of the global economy is over" and that was a "tragedy". Implicitly, he is saying, with the help of the rest of the G7, he will step up.
And by an incredible quirk of fate, it is he who will host the G7 summit in Alberta in June, just days before the expiry of President Trump's "reciprocal" tariffs pause. Will Trump attend on the land he both tariffs and covets?
All roads lead to Kananaskis in the middle of June.
© Sharafat Ali/Reuters
Several people have died after a shooting at a hair salon in the town of Uppsala, Swedish media have reported.
Police said they have received calls from members of the public who reported that they heard loud bangs that sounded like gunfire close to Vaksala Square in the centre of the city.
The shooting happened on the eve of the Walpurgis spring festival, which brings large crowds onto the streets.
Several people were found with injuries that suggested gunshot wounds, police said.
Officers have cordoned off a large area and an investigation is underway.
Police spokesman Magnus Jansson Klarin was quoted by local media saying they received several reports of bangs in the area.
Swedish public broadcaster SVT said it spoke to a number of witnesses at the scene who told them they heard shots fired.
This is a breaking news story which will be updated.
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The power is out and nothing is working. How am I supposed to get through the day?
That was the question faced by millions of people on Monday across Spain and Portugal during the worst electricity blackout in their history.
We ask people who spent the day without electricity about what helped them get on with life and what outage essentials they were missing.
Paying with phone and card has become the norm, but in cities across Spain and Portugal, queues formed at cash machines - at least the ones that were still working - as shops switched away from card payments.
"We managed to pay for our coffees with card when the outage first started, [but later] we didn't have any cash so we couldn't buy a thing," Ed Rowe, 26, in Madrid told the BBC.
"All the restaurants that were open were cash only."
Grace O'Leary, 32, who also lives in Spain's capital, said she and her mum were counting coins to see if she had enough money to buy wine from a corner shop.
"Cash, apparently, is in fact, king."
Jaime Giorgio, 28, was lucky enough to have some cash on him, which allowed him to buy food and other essentials.
"In Madrid it was quite chaotic, there was no tube and you couldn't take out any cash.
"I had cash, but my flatmate didn't, so I had to lend him money to buy things."
The power outage also led to an information blackout, as people spent the day without internet, WhatsApp, calls, and TV.
"The complete loss of communication was the most confusing and concerning thing... we were only left to speculate as to the cause and piece together news from people in the neighbourhood," said Daniel Clegg from Barcelona.
The 42-year-old said the absence of information led him to looking at the sky to see if planes were still flying.
For Siegfried and Christine Buschschluter, an old windup transistor radio helped tune in to local radio stations to find out what was happening after their phones stopped working and power went off at their rural home outside Spain's capital.
Christine, 82, explained: "You had to keep on winding and winding.
"It was quite a strange situation. I was born in Berlin during the war and it reminded me of those days when my parents tried to get some news - it took me back."
The couple reckon the outage will lead to boom in demand for battery-operated radios.
And it is also on Daniel's shopping list. "Essential kit for back to basics communication and staying informed that I completely neglected to remember."
Microwaves, air fryers and some hobs and ovens all demand electricity.
But on Monday food that does not require electricity to heat or prepare it were in demand.
In supermarkets, shoppers formed long queues and panic-bought essentials - echoing scenes from the Covid-19 pandemic.
"We bought a lot of food that wasn't going to go off, like tuna in cans, just in case," says actor Jaime.
"The outage only lasted a day and now we have so much food, but most of it isn't going to go bad, as it is easily preserved."
Lesley Elder, in town Fortuna in south-eastern Spain, said: "Trying to find food you don't need to heat up, that was more difficult than we thought.
"So we ended up having ham and cheese for dinner."
She adds a little gas stove to heat up food in a pan would have been helpful.
Across the Iberian peninsula, people turned to candles to light up dark spaces.
Richard, who lives in the Spanish city of Alcala de Henares, said not a single street light was on when night fell.
"People were finding their way around by torchlight. It was quite surreal seeing the view from my window totally black especially as I live next to a dual carriageway," he said.
"In my spare time, I make candles and luckily I had a few going spare so I could see in the dark."
Sarah Baxter, from Barcelona, said she even used a candle stovetop to heat up food.
"We could heat beans and rice, and bring water to a boil for instant potatoes," she said.
"It was much safer than a propane camping stove inside the apartment."
Although candles and naked flames can pose a fire risk.
With no power people relied on having battery in their devices.
In Madrid, people queued outside tech shops to get their hands on a power bank.
Luckily for Sarah she had a solar charger that kept her phone charged through ten hours of blackout, and helped her elderly neighbour do the same.
Lesley says her Kindle ran out of battery. "No TV, no Scrabble puzzle on my phone. So having a couple of books would have been helpful," she said.
But for others, not having access to the internet and their devices was a relief.
"Everyone relies on technology so much that it's quite a nice reminder you can be more independent," said Ed.
"You don't have to be connected with everyone all the time," said his flatmate Hannah Steiner, 23. "I was having a good time with my flatmates."
Sara Francisco, 24, from Leiria, in central Portugal, said: "I feel this thing that happened was important to make us be more aware and be more conscious about our habits."
© Wakil Kohsar/Agence France-Presse — Getty Images
© Edgar Sandoval/The New York Times
© Haiyun Jiang for The New York Times