Five people have been killed and seven seriously wounded in a shooting attack by Palestinian gunmen in Jerusalem, paramedics and police say.

Israel's Magen David Adom ambulance service identified the dead as three men in their 30s, one woman in her 50s, and one man in his 50s. Nine people with gunshot wounds were taken to local hospitals along with three others injured by broken glass.

Israeli police said two "terrorists" opened fire towards a bus stop at Ramot Junction, on the city's northern outskirts. A security officer and a civilian returned fire, and "neutralised" the attackers, it added.

There was no immediate claim from any armed groups, although Hamas praised the attack.

The police said a large number of officers were securing the area, and that bomb disposal units were ensuring that it was safe while forensic teams gathered evidence.

At least 13 people have been killed and dozens are injured in Nepal after demonstrations against a government social media ban led to clashes between protesters and security forces.

Thousands heeded a call by demonstrators describing themselves as Generation Z to gather near the parliament building in Kathmandu over the decision to ban platforms including Facebook, X and YouTube.

Nepal's Minister for Communication Prithvi Subba told the BBC police had had to use force - which included water cannons, batons and firing rubber bullets.

The government has said social media platforms need to be regulated to tackle fake news, hate speech and online fraud.

But popular platforms such as Instagram have millions of users in Nepal, who rely on them for entertainment, news and business.

Demonstrators carried placards with slogans including "enough is enough" and "end to corruption".

Some said they were protesting against what they called the authoritarian attitude of the government.

As the rally moved into a restricted area close to parliament, some protesters climbed over the wall.

"Tear gas and water cannons were used after the protesters breached into the restricted area," police spokesman Shekhar Khanal told the AFP news agency.

A Kathmandu district office spokesperson said a curfew was imposed around areas including the parliament building after protesters attempted to enter.

Last week authorities ordered the blocking of 26 social media platforms for not complying with a deadline to register with Nepal's ministry of communication and information technology.

Since Friday, users have experienced difficulty in accessing the platforms, though some are using VPNs to get around the ban. So far, two platforms have been reactivated after registering with the ministry following the ban.

Nepal's government has argued it is not banning social media but trying to bring them in line with Nepali law.

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Labour's ruling body is due to meet to draw up plans for a deputy leadership election to replace Angela Rayner, who resigned last week after admitting to underpaying stamp duty.

The party's ruling National Executive Committee (NEC) will hold talks on Monday to set the timetable and rules for the contest, which is shaping up to be a major battle over the direction the Labour party takes.

Rayner's resignation led to a major government reshuffle over the weekend, as Sir Keir Starmer reshaped his top team.

In previous deputy leadership elections, Labour members, unions and MPs have had a say in the outcome but the NEC may decided to revisit the rules in an effort to speed up the contest.

Foreign Affairs Committee chairwoman Dame Emily Thornberry became the first high-profile figure to announce she was thinking about a bid on Sunday.

Dame Emily was a shock omission from Sir Keir's government, having been his shadow international trade secretary in opposition.

Speaking at the weekend, Labour's Mayor of Greater Manchester, Andy Burnham said the contest was an opportunity to have a "discussion about the internal management".

Burnham warned the Cabinet lacked "balance" after Rayner's exit, and called for another voice from the north of England as deputy.

He suggested former transport secretary Louise Haigh or ex-Commons leader Lucy Powell would help to counter what he called the "London-centricity" under Sir Keir's leadership.

The contest was triggered by Rayner's resignation following an investigation which found she had breached the ministerial code after admitting she had underpaid £40,000 in stamp duty on a new home earlier this year.

Her resignation sparked a major reshuffle, which saw Rayner replaced by David Lammy as deputy prime minister and Steve Reed at the housing department - as Sir Keir sought to draw a line under the scandal.

The shake-up saw Yvette Cooper become foreign secretary and Shabana Mahmood replace her as home secretary.

With Rachel Reeves remaining as chancellor, this is the first time the UK has had three women in the most senior cabinet roles alongside the prime minister.

Sir Keir now faces the prospect of a party conference overshadowed by manoeuvring for the deputy leadership role vacated by Rayner, who was popular among the grassroots.

Rayner, who was seen as a bridge between government and the backbenches, was both deputy Labour leader and deputy prime minister.

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Looking at Sir Keir Starmer's cabinet reshuffle it appears that he came to believe that he had all the right ministers at the cabinet table - just sitting in the wrong chairs.

The most significant change is the appointment of Shabana Mahmood as home secretary, which is intended as a clear signal that dealing with illegal immigration and asylum is one of the government's biggest priorities.

That was the former Home Secretary Yvette Cooper's view too, but there was a sense among some - not all - at the top of government that she was moving too slowly to meet public opinion.

There was particular frustration at Reform UK's ability to drive the narrative on the issue over the summer even when the government had achievements to herald, including its "one in one out" agreement with France.

Mahmood has a reputation among Labour MPs as (relatively-speaking, in Labour terms) a hardliner on immigration.

"She's really right-wing on this stuff," one Labour figure who knows her well said.

From this person it was a compliment; from others in the Labour movement who are anxious about losing votes to the Greens and others on the left, it would not be.

In practical terms, though, what different policies will Mahmood pursue? That's not so clear.

At the weekend John Healey, the defence secretary, said the government was looking at expanding the use of military sites to house asylum seekers instead of hotels.

That was in the works before the reshuffle. It may be that Mahmood seeks to accelerate the timetable for closing hotels.

Sir Keir has said that he wants to close them all before the next general election though he alluded in an interview with BBC Radio 5 Live last week to bringing that deadline forward.

Then there is the European Convention on Human Rights (ECHR), from which both Reform UK and increasingly the Conservatives say the UK must withdraw to make it easier to deport illegal immigrants.

Cooper was looking at ways to change UK law to make clearer to judges here the way in which the government believes the convention should be interpreted.

Mahmood may want to go further but it is hard to see how that would be possible given Lord Hermer, who remains in post as attorney general, not to mention the prime minister himself, are both ardently opposed to withdrawal.

We may not need to wait long to find out what Mahmood's new direction will be. Only a week after taking office as justice secretary last year, she announced plans to release thousands of prisoners earlier than planned to avoid what she called "total collapse" of the prison system.

Her handling of prison overcrowding, especially her willingness to grasp the nettle so early on, has been frequently compared favourably by Labour MPs to other cabinet ministers who were seen as taking too long to work out how they wanted to deal with their portfolios.

One ally of Mahmood told the BBC: "She knows that time is of the essence. She didn't take long to take big decisions at the Ministry of Justice, and she doesn't tend to hang about."

One of the biggest changes might come in rhetoric and communication style.

Cooper was shadow home secretary for seven years in two stints and also spent five years as chairwoman of the home affairs select committee. Some in Labour pushing for a harder line on immigration occasionally complained that her deep knowledge of the issues involved made her public comments too nuanced to embody public dissatisfaction.

Mahmood is likely to go another way. On Sunday she described the small boat crossings as "utterly unacceptable" and vowed to act against "vile people smugglers".

It is also worth noting that the two junior ministers working with Cooper on immigration have been moved out the Home Office too.

Mahmood, 44, has been an MP for 15 years representing a constituency in Birmingham, but it is only in the past two years that she has moved into front-line, high-profile roles.

After spending her first five years in Parliament in a range of junior shadow ministerial portfolios, she co-chaired Cooper's unsuccessful leadership campaign in 2015. She then refused to serve under Jeremy Corbyn, instead dedicating her time during his leadership to fighting those on Labour's left-wing from a position on Labour's national executive committee, to which she was elected by Labour MPs.

In 2021, at the lowest ebb of Sir Keir's leadership, she was brought into the shadow cabinet to take charge of Labour's election campaign infrastructure. Even in that job, though, she was pushing her party to get over what she called its "queasiness" about talking tough on immigration.

In an interview with the Times in 2023, she said: "In the commentariat, among very politically engaged people, there's a sort of assumption about who is motivated by immigration as an electoral issue.

"My constituency experience is that, actually, that's not got very much to do with race. I represent a very diverse constituency that's 70% non-white, and immigration comes up as an issue that my voters who are black or Asian and from other ethnic minorities want to talk about."

That is an argument you can be sure she will be making as home secretary in the coming weeks.

Whether she can address those concerns will determine not just her political fortunes but those of this government and prime minister too.

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In a corner of a cavernous 1890s factory in southern Massachusetts, 15 people are bent over sewing machines, churning out specialty, hospital-grade neonatal gear.

They are all that remain of what was once a much bigger manufacturing operation, most of which the Teixeira family shut down in 1990, reinventing their business as a largely warehousing and distribution business.

Since US President Donald Trump started rolling out sweeping tariffs, the Teixeiras have been fielding more inquiries from companies newly interested in their US-based sewing services.

But they have turned down those offers, deterred by the difficulty of hiring in the midst of an immigration crackdown and doubts that the demand will be sustained.

It's just one of the many indications that achieving the manufacturing revival promised by the president is likely to be far more difficult than the White House has claimed.

"It's just not going to happen," said Frank Teixeira, who joined the family business in the 1970s and oversaw its dismantling and reinvention as Accurate Services Inc.

"Tariffs are a bad policy and eventually are going to come home to haunt us."

Trump campaigned for the presidency on the promise of a better economy, engineered in part by tariffs that he said would lower costs and usher in a new golden age.

The message proved to resonate with voters, helping the campaign make unexpected inroads in working-class areas long considered Democratic strongholds.

That includes the Teixeiras' base of Fall River, a former textile manufacturing hub, where Trump's win marked the first in the city by a Republican presidential candidate in roughly a century.

But his plans were widely panned by experts, who warned that the tariffs, which are a tax on imports, would instead raise prices for American businesses and consumers and slow growth - with particular risks for manufacturers, who often rely on imported supplies.

Now nine months into the president's term as the tariffs take hold, the gulf between Trump's rhetoric, which boasts of investments pouring into the country, and the reality on the ground in places like Fall River, is starting to show.

Employment growth in the US has slowed precipitously this year, including in manufacturing. After expanding after the pandemic, payrolls at manufacturing firms have shrunk this year, shedding 12,000 jobs last month alone.

Business surveys indicate that activity in the sector is in contraction.

Last month, 71% of manufacturers questioned by the Dallas branch of the Federal Reserve said the tariffs - which range from 10% to 50% on most imports - had already had a negative impact on their business, raising the cost of resources and hurting profits.

At Matouk, a maker of high-end bedding up the road from the Teixeiras', boss George Matouk said that between April and August tariffs had already added more than $100,000 (£74,000) a month in costs, as they hit supplies like cotton fabric from India and Portugal and down from Liechtenstein.

Founded by his grandfather in 1929, the company has grown to employ about 300 people in recent years - a point of pride for Mr Matouk, who faced naysayers when he returned as the third generation to join the family business after graduating from Columbia Business School in the late 1990s.

But the sudden tariff expense has forced the firm to cut investments on things such as new equipment and spending on discretionary items like marketing.

Despite the made-in-America distinction of many of his products, Mr Matouk said he expected no benefits from the tariffs because higher costs were pushing him to raise prices, a move likely to weigh on sales.

"Because the materials are subject to tariffs just like everything else, the benefits are not there," he said.

Mr Matouk called the current challenges faced by his firm "demoralising in a new way", since they have been inflicted deliberately, by government policy.

"We've done all of the things we were supposed to do in order to invest in the industrial base of the United States when no one else was willing to do it and it's just really frustrating that now we're being penalised," he said.

Studies on the impact of the more limited tariffs imposed by Trump during his first term on manufacturers in the US have found that small job gains in protected industries, like steel, were more than offset by losses at other firms that were dependent on parts.

But Mike van der Sleesen, who runs motorcycle jacket business Vanson Leathers, said he thought the changes this year had been so disruptive that it was premature to make predictions.

Mr van der Sleesen, who voted for Trump last year, is no fan of the president's tariffs, which have driven up his costs some 15% this year.

However, he shared the president's concerns that foreign companies could easily access the US market, while US firms looking to sell abroad encounter hurdles in the form of tariffs and other taxes.

"It's been a very uneven and unfair trade path for a company like Vanson," said Mr van der Sleesen, whose business was founded in 1974 and employed more than 160 people as recently as 2000, before the wallop of China's entry into the global order shrunk the workforce to about 50.

"We shouldn't charge them and they shouldn't charge us in my view but that's never going to happen," he said.

For now, demand for his jackets, which can sell for thousands of dollars, has held up. He said his suppliers in the US were reporting an uptick in activity.

"We haven't heard overtime in the textile world for 20 years!" he said. "It's hard to be confident that you can predict what it's going to shake out to be because the changes have been so dramatic."

On the streets of Fall River, many Trump supporters said they remained willing to give the president time to put his strategy to the test.

"We should be able to manufacture," said Tom Teixeira.

The 72-year-old retired transit worker voted for Trump in 2016, 2020 and 2024, won over in part by his message on the economy.

"I know how it was and it can improve but it's not going to improve overnight," said Mr Teixeira, who is not related to the Teixeira manufacturers, adding that he had yet to notice any major price increases this year.

"A year from now, if things aren't cheaper, we'll see."