The new chief of MI6, Blaise Metreweli, will warn of "the acute threat posed by Russia" when she makes her first public speech later.

She will highlight so-called hybrid warfare, which includes incidents such as cyber attacks and drones suspected of being launched near critical infrastructure by Russian proxies.

Ms Metreweli will describe this as "an acute threat posed by an aggressive, expansionist and revisionist Russia".

Referring to the war in Ukraine, she will insist that Britain will be keeping up the pressure on President Vladimir Putin on Ukraine's behalf.

Ms Metreweli, who took over as head of the Secret Intelligence Service in the autumn, is the first woman to head Britain's overseas spy agency. She took over from Sir Richard Moore on 1 October.

Monday's speech will point to the recent sanctioning of Russian entities accused of conducting information warfare, as well as two China-based companies sanctioned for their "indiscriminate cyber activities against the UK and its allies".

Western sanctions have certainly damaged Russia's economy, driving its exports eastwards towards China and India. But they have singularly failed to change President Putin's determination to wage war on Ukraine until it gives in to his demands for territory and ultimately, loyalty to Moscow.

It is also clear from Ms Metreweli's speech that a special area of interest for the new spy chief is technology.

Having joined MI6 in 1999, she has arrived at the top job via Q Branch. Named after the fictional MI6 division in Ian Fleming's spy books, this is the real life, in-house, top secret part of the Secret Intelligence Service that designs the sorts of gadgets and gizmos that enable agents to communicate with their handlers, without being detected and caught.

In her speech later she is expected to call on all her intelligence officers to master technology, "not just in our labs, but in the field, in our tradecraft.. We must be as comfortable with lines of [computer] code as we are with human sources, as fluent in Python as we are in multiple languages".

Python, a programming language, may surprise some as an example to pick, since it has been around for more than three decades. But her point will not be lost on the men and women who have chosen to work in the shadowy world of espionage.

In an age where data is key, where spies can no longer rely on false identities when biometric scanning can unmask them in seconds at borders and checkpoints, MI6 needs to prove that it can still be relevant.

Elsewhere, the Chief of the Defence Staff, Sir Richard Knighton, will on Monday call for a "whole of society approach" to building national resilience, in the face of growing threats and uncertainty.

In a speech to the Royal United Services Institute in London, Sir Richard is expected to say that defence and resilience need to be a higher priority for everyone, not just those in the military.

It is the latest in a string of warnings that the UK needs to be more ready than it is now to meet a growing volume of threats.

Sir Richard is expected to say that the situation is more dangerous than he has known during his entire career.

Russia has made it clear that it wishes to challenge, limit, divide and ultimately destroy Nato, he will say.

Britain's response needs to be about more than simply strengthening the armed forces. Deterrence, he will say, involves harnessing the UK's power, from its universities to industry, the rail network and the NHS.

"A new era for defence doesn't just mean our military and government stepping up - as we are - it means our whole nation stepping up," he will say.

Addressing a skills gap highlighted in a recent report by the Royal Academy of Engineering, Sir Richard will talk about the need to work with industry and young people and will announce £50m for new defence technical excellence colleges.

In recent weeks, both France and Germany have outlined plans for voluntary national service.

Last year, the then-Conservative government set out its own compulsory proposals, which Labour dismissed as a gimmick.

But the debate about how Britain as a whole should respond to an increasingly uncertain world is gathering pace.

Vladimir Putin may have a reputation among some as a ruthless autocrat, a master manipulator of the international scene. But one thing Russia's president does not have is a poker face.

The late US Senator John McCain used to joke that when he looked into Putin's eyes, he saw three things, "a K and a G and a B", a reference to his past life as a Soviet intelligence officer.

I thought of this as I watched footage of Russia's leader sitting opposite American envoys in the Kremlin. He could not hide his emotions; he exuded an air of supreme confidence.

For President Putin reckons the diplomatic tide has turned in his favour, with an improved relationship with America and gains on the battlefield.

Some analysts say Putin has no incentive to retreat from his demands: that Ukraine gives up the last 20% of Donetsk it still controls; that all occupied territory is recognised internationally as Russian; that Ukraine's army is curtailed to a point of impotence; and Nato membership is ruled out forever.

As things stand, there are a few possible scenarios. The first is that US President Donald Trump may try to force Ukraine into a ceasefire on terms unwelcome to its people, one that cedes territory and lacks sufficient security guarantees to deter future Russian aggression.

If Ukraine demurs or Russia vetoes, President Trump has hinted he could wash his hands of the war; last week, he said "sometimes you have to let people fight it out".

He could remove the vital US intelligence Ukraine needs to detect incoming Russian drones and target Russian energy facilities.

Another possibility is that the war could just stumble on with Russia's forces continuing to make slow advances in the east.

The Trump administration's new national security strategy implied that Russia is no longer an "existential threat" to the US, and urged the US to "re-establish strategic stability" with Russia.

So, with American support for Ukraine in serious question, what - if anything - could potentially change Putin's mind? And what else could Ukraine, Europe and even China, do differently?

Could Europe do more?

At the moment, the continent is preparing for a ceasefire. Under the banner of the "coalition of the willing", it is preparing an international military force to help Ukraine deter future Russian invasion, alongside a financial effort to help reconstruct the war-ravaged country.

But some officials suggest that Europe should instead prepare for the war to muddle on.

They want to help Ukraine not only "win the fight tonight", with more drones and cash; but also provide longer term support and prepare for a 15 to 20 year war with Russia.

Europe could also do more to help protect Ukrainian skies from drones and missiles. There is already a plan – called the European Sky Shield Initiative – which could be expanded to allow European air defences to protect western Ukraine.

Others argue European troops could be deployed to western Ukraine to help patrol borders, freeing up Ukrainian soldiers to fight on the front line. Most proposals such as this have been rejected for fear of provoking Russia or escalating the conflict.

Keir Giles, senior consulting fellow at the Russia and Eurasia programme at Chatham House think tank, said these fears were based on "nonsense" because Western troops were already present on the ground and Sky Shield could be deployed in western Ukraine with little chance of any clash with Russian aircraft.

European leaders, in his view, had to "insert themselves into the conflict in a manner that will actually make a difference".

Mr Giles said: "The only thing that will unarguably, undeniably stop Russian aggression is the presence of sufficiently strong western forces where Russia wants to attack, and the demonstrated will and resolve that they will be used to defend."

This strategy would of course come with huge political difficulty - with some voters in western Europe unwilling to risk a confrontation with Russia.

Few analysts expect Ukraine to reverse the tide and make actual territorial gains of its own.

Having spent several weeks in Ukraine recently, I heard no mention of any Spring offensive, only the need to slow Russia's advance and increase the price it pays in blood and treasure.

Some western diplomats claim Russia's generals are lying to the Russian president, pretending the situation on the ground is better than it is - adding to what they see as a deliberate strategy to exaggerate Russian gains, designed to suggest Ukraine is on the back foot and should thus sue for peace.

According to Thomas Graham in Foreign Affairs, in this year, Russia has seized only 1% of Ukrainian territory at a cost of more than 200,000 dead and wounded.

Fiona Hill, senior fellow at the Center on the United States and Europe at the Brookings Institution, who served on Trump's national security council during his first term, says the biggest thing Putin has in his favour is that many people believe Ukraine is losing.

"Everyone is talking of Ukraine as the loser when it now has the most potent military in Europe," she says.

"Just think what they have done to Russia. It is remarkable they have held off for so long not least fighting with one hand behind their back."

Trade, sanctions and Russia's economy

Then there's the lever of sanctions. Certainly, Russia's economy is suffering. Inflation at 8%, interest rates 16%, growth slowed, budget deficits soaring, real incomes plunging, consumer taxes rising.

A report for the Peace and Conflict Resolution Evidence Platform says Russia's war economy is running out of time. "The Russian economy is substantially less able to finance the war than it was at the beginning of it in 2022," the authors say.

But so far none of this appears to have changed much Kremlin thinking, not least because businesses have found ways of evading restrictions, such as transporting oil on unregistered ghost ships.

Tom Keatinge, director of the Centre for Finance and Security at Rusi, said western messaging about sanctions was convoluted and there were too many loopholes.

Russia would, he said, work around recent US sanctions on two Russian oil giants, Lukoil and Rosneft, just by re-labelling the exported oil as coming from non-sanctioned companies.

Mr Keatinge said if the West really wanted to hurt Russia's war economy, it would embargo all Russian oil and fully implement secondary sanctions on countries that still buy it. "We need to stop being cute and go full embargo," he said.

"We need to take our implementation of sanctions as seriously as the Kremlin takes circumvention."

In theory, sanctions could also affect Russian public opinion. In October, a survey by the state-run Public Opinion Research Centre (VCIOM) said 56% of respondents said they felt "very tired" of the conflict, up from 47% last year.

But the consensus among Kremlinologists is that much of the Russian public remains supportive of Putin's strategy.

The European Union could agree to use about €200bn (£176bn) of frozen Russian assets to generate a so-called "reparation loan" for Ukraine. The latest European Commission proposal is to raise €90bn (£79bn) over two years.

In Kyiv, officials are already banking on getting the cash. But still the EU hesitates.

Belgium, where the bulk of the Russian assets are held, has long feared being sued by Russia - and on Friday, the Russian Central Bank announced legal action against Belgian bank Euroclear in a Moscow court.

Belgium says it will not agree the loan unless legal and financial risks are shared more explicitly with other EU members. France has concerns, such is its own vast debts, and fears exploiting the frozen assets could undermine the stability of the eurozone.

EU leaders will make a further attempt to agree a deal when they meet in Brussels on 18 December for their final summit before Christmas. But diplomats say there is no guarantee of success.

There is also disagreement over what the cash should be used for: keeping Ukraine's state solvent now or paying for its reconstruction after the war.

Ukraine's conscription question

As for Ukraine, it could mobilise more of its armed forces.

It remains the second-biggest army in Europe (behind Russia), and the most technically advanced - but it is nonetheless struggling to defend an 800-mile frontline.

After almost four years of war, many soldiers are exhausted and desertion rates are rising.

Army recruiters are finding it harder to fill gaps as some younger men hide from press gangs or flee the country. But Ukraine could widen its conscription laws.

Currently only men aged 25 to 60 must be available to fight. This is a deliberate strategy by Kyiv to manage Ukraine's demographic challenges; a country with a low birth rate and millions living abroad cannot afford to lose what have been dubbed "the fathers of the future".

This puzzles outsiders. "I find it incredible that Ukraine has not mobilised its young people," one senior UK military figure told me.

"I think Ukraine must be one of the only countries in history facing an existential threat that has not thrown its mad 20-year-olds into the fight."

Fiona Hill said Ukraine had simply learned the lesson of history and the devastating impact World War One had on 20th Century European empires, which declined after failing to rediscover the population growth that had fuelled their economic rise.

"Ukraine is just thinking of their demographic [future]."

Strikes, diplomacy and Trump

If Ukraine could import and manufacture more long-range missiles, it could hit Russia harder and deeper.

This year it stepped up its air strikes on targets both in occupied territory and the Russian Federation. Earlier this month Ukraine's military commanders told Radio Liberty they had hit more than 50 fuel and military-industrial infrastructure facilities in Russia during the autumn.

Alexander Gabuev, director of the Carnegie Russia Eurasia Center, says some Russians experienced fuel shortages earlier this year. "By late October, Ukrainian drones had hit more than half of Russia's thirty-eight major refineries at least once.

"Production outages spread across multiple regions, and some Russian gas stations began rationing fuel."

But would more deep strikes on Russia make an impact, when both the Kremlin and public opinion in Russia seem indifferent?

Mick Ryan, former Australian major general and now fellow of the Center for Strategic and International Studies, says deep strikes are not a magic bullet.

"They are an extraordinarily important military endeavour, but insufficient by themselves to force Putin to the negotiating table or to win the war."

Dr Sidharth Kaushal, senior research fellow in military sciences at the Royal United Services Institute (Rusi) think tank, said more deep strikes would certainly damage Russia's energy and military infrastructure, as well as using up its air defence missiles. But he warned the tactic could be counterproductive.

"It could reinforce the argument the Russian leadership makes that an independent Ukraine poses a massive military threat," he said.

There's also - still - a diplomatic route.

Some analysts argue that if Putin is offered a way out of the war, he may choose it.

The theory goes like this: a deal is agreed that allows both sides to claim victory. Say, a ceasefire along the line of contact; some areas demilitarised; no formal territorial recognition. Compromises all round.

But the deal would require the US to engage hard with Russia, setting up negotiating teams, using its power to drive through agreement.

"The United States… needs to deploy its formidable psychological leverage it possesses over Russia,"

Thomas Graham argues. "One cannot overstate the role the United States – and Trump personally – plays in validating Russia as a great power and Putin as a global leader."

China's leverage

The wild card is China. President Xi Jinping is one of the few world leaders Putin listens to. When Xi warned earlier in the conflict against Russian threats of nuclear weapon use, the Kremlin fell swiftly in line.

Russia's war machine is also huge dependent on China's supply of dual use goods – such as electronics or machinery that can be used for civilian and military purposes.

So if Beijing decided it was no longer in China's interests for the war to continue, then it would have substantial leverage over Kremlin thinking.

For now, the US shows no sign of trying to encourage – or force – China to put pressure on Moscow. So the question is whether President Xi would be willing to apply any leverage off his own bat.

At the moment China seems happy for the US to be distracted, for transatlantic allies to be divided, and for the rest of the world to view China as a source of stability. But if Russia's invasion escalated, if global markets were disrupted, if the US applied secondary sanctions on China in punishment for its consumption of cheap Russian energy, then the thinking in Beijing might change.

For now though, Putin believes he is sitting pretty, with time on his side. The longer this conflict goes on, analysts say, the more Ukrainian morale will fall, the more divided its allies will become, and the more territory Russia will gain in Donetsk.

"Either we liberate these territories by force of arms or Ukrainian troops leave these territories," Putin said last week.

"Nothing will change his position," Fiona Hill told me. "Unless he exits stage left. Putin is betting right now that he can keep this going for long enough that circumstances play out to his advantage."

Top picture credit: Reuters

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Chile has elected the far-right wing José Antonio Kast to be its next president, after an election campaign that was dominated by themes of security, immigration and crime.

Kast won decisively with more than 58% of the vote in his third attempt at running for president.

It marks the biggest shift to the right since the end of Chile's military dictatorship in 1990. Kast has openly praised Chile's former right-wing dictator, Augusto Pinochet.

He beat the governing left-wing coalition's candidate, Jeannette Jara, from the Communist Party.

At a gathering of his supporters in the capital Santiago, many draped in Chilean flags, chanting and taking selfies, there was jubilation as the results came through.

"I'm happy we can recover the country's security and patriotism," said Augustina Trancoso, donning a red "Make Chile Great Again" cap.

"We've been trying to win an election for years," said Belem Valdivieso. "In Chile, you used to be able to walk the streets peacefully, lately we've experienced problems with insecurity. I'm hoping his promises will be kept and he'll focus on security."

Throughout the campaign, Kast portrayed Chile as a country that was descending into chaos and insecurity. He pledged to restore order and crack down on irregular immigration, as well as implementing sharp spending cuts.

Kast is an admirer of Donald Trump, who is likely to become a close ally, and his policies echo those of the US president. He has pledged a border wall on Chile's porous frontier with Peru and Bolivia, maximum-security prisons, and mass deportations of irregular migrants, many of whom are from Venezuela.

Chile is one of the safest and more stable countries in South America, but a rise in immigration and organised crime in recent years has concerned many voters. Kast regularly drew links between the two.

His critics, though, say the problem is being exaggerated.

One voter in Santiago, Javiera Carrasco, liked some of Kast's policies but ended up voting for Jara. She said she felt "like a false sense of insecurity is becoming widespread."

"In other countries, there are much worse things happening than here. It just doesn't add up for me."

Chile's murder rate is now falling, and some studies suggest those born abroad commit fewer crimes on average. But the perception of growing insecurity was the motivation for many of Kast's voters.

"We are transforming into Colombia, a lot of terrorism, thieves, robbery, society is very unsafe," one voter Max Struber said.

"It may sound harsh to say it, but we need the government to continue Pinochet's work. Human rights abuses existed, that's true. But as a government it was good, we used to have peace and tranquility."

Kast's brother was a minister during Pinochet's dictatorship, and his father was a member of the Nazi party. Pinochet was an army general who led a US-backed military coup in 1973 and established a 17-year-long military dictatorship that was marked by brutal human rights abuses, forced disappearances and free-market economic policies.

Chile's current left-wing President Gabriel Boric, who could not run again, had suffered from low approval ratings. Kast's rival Jeannette Jara may have suffered by being seen as a "continuity vote".

A supporter at his victory party, Francisco Otero, said neither candidate represented everybody perfectly, but that a continuation of the government was seen as "much worse".

After the result Jara posted that "democracy has spoken loud and clear" and wished Kast "success for the good of Chile."

"We will continue working to advance a better life in our country," she added.

Her supporters fear Kast's election marks a return to Chile's far-right past.

"Kast's family helped the dictator Augusto Pinochet," Ricardo Herrera said, adding that he lived through Pinochet's dictatorship and it was "brutal".

Some are sceptical, though, that Kast will actually do what he's pledged.

"Kast says he wants to expel 360,000 undocumented migrants. He won't be able to do that. It's physically impossible," one voter Hector Lunes said.

Kast has also been firmly against abortion, even in cases of rape, and environmental protection policies.

His victory will likely be welcomed by investors as he has pledged a free-market approach to economics to shrink the state and deregulate certain industries.

This was the first presidential election in Chile where voting was mandatory and registration was automatic for those eligible.

This left some voters feeling like they had to pick whichever they say was the "least-worst" option.

"I don't know if I'd say the lesser of two evils, but I think Chile needs a change," Claudio Sanjuez said, "and I clearly think Kast could be that alternative".

"Both candidates were like opposite extremes," Cintia Urrutia said, but added she'd hoped for Jeannette Jara who she perceived as more "centrist".

Kast's victory in Chile follows a string of elections in Latin America that have shifted the region to the Right in recent years – including in Argentina, Ecuador, Costa Rica, and El Salvador.

He will be inaugurated on 11 March 2026. At rallies, he regularly counted down the days until this date warning undocumented immigrants that they should leave before then if they ever want the chance to return.

At first glance, my emails are polite and warm, after all "I'm just checking" in on a deadline but "no worries either way".

However, a closer look reveals my messages are punctuated by unnecessary apologies, smiley faces, exclamation marks and even kisses.

I like to think I'm being friendly and approachable, but according to experts, these linguistic habits may be quietly undermining how seriously I'm taken at work.

Careers coach Hannah Salton and etiquette coach William Hanson explain why so many of us write like this and the impact it could be having on how we're perceived, and even promoted at work.

Is your punctuation extra?

"Thanks very much!" I've replied to many an email - my punctuation may be extra but a full stop feels blunt.

People use exclamation marks to show "positivity and enthusiasm," says Hannah.

Women use them three times more often than men, a recent study published in the Journal of Experimental Social Psychology found.

She thinks that’s likely down to the idea that "women are often judged more harshly than men when they are direct and are called bossy and other gendered negative words".

And while a single exclamation mark isn't the problem the cumulative effect can be, warns Hannah.

“If it looks fake or like it's covering up insecurity it could impact credibility,” she explains.

Would you kiss them in real life?

Written communication is notoriously easy to misread, which is why many of us insert an emoji as a picture of our warmth or humour.

But etiquette coach William Hanson warns this can backfire.

"One emoji can mean different things to different people or something entirely unintended," he says.

"It would be better if people used words and a good command of English," he advises.

Emojis can have an "infantile connotation" which could lead to people perceiving you as younger, less senior, capable or responsible, he says.

"I would not put an emoji in an email," he says. "You can be friendly in your writing and remain professional at the same time."

And when it comes to signing off with a kiss, he says: "I would never put a kiss on the end of an email unless I would kiss them on the cheek in real life."

Softening language can dilute authority

"Just checking that you're following me and this all makes sense?"

Emails containing reassurance checkers can be self-depreciating," Hannah says, adding that over time, that tone can subtly shape how someone is perceived.

"As a manager, it's a difficult balance of being liked and respected and if you're not direct, there's a risk of creating an impression of being less capable," she says.

"There are definitely times where communicating in an overly apologetic or overly measured way can make you come across as less impactful."

"A lot of it is unconscious," Hannah says. "No one reads an email and thinks 'oh, they don't back themselves', it's more subtle than that.

"But if you're consistently communicating in a people-pleasing way, that can build up an impression of someone who doesn't back themselves, or who is potentially less competent."

What to cut out of your emails

Here are some of the things you might want to consider losing to appear more professional, our experts suggest:

• Qualifying words such as "just" ("just checking", "just wondering")
• Pre-emptive apologies like "sorry to bother you" or "I'm sure you're really busy but…"
• Reassurance checkers such as "does that make sense?", "hope that's ok" or "no worries either way"
• Exclamation marks
• Emojis
• Kisses or overly warm sign-offs

Hannah and William stress it's not about stripping all warmth or personality from professional communication.

"Personal style is important," Hannah says. "Showcasing personality at work is not a bad thing. You don't want to feel like you have to filter everything you write and remove any personality from it."

But at the same time you shouldn't use certain words and symbols "as a tool to be liked".

A practical way to spot and reduce these habits without losing personality is to pay attention to the emails you receive and notice how different styles make you feel - what sounds clear, confident or reassuring, and what feels excessive, she says.

Salton says AI tools can also be useful for reviewing drafts and removing excess filler or qualifier words.

A paramedic "sent flying" by a two tonne car as it ploughed into a dense crowd at Liverpool's Premier League victory parade has described how the "adrenaline took over".

James Vernon did not even hear the Ford Galaxy Titanium, driven by 54-year-old Paul Doyle, coming before he was struck from behind on 26 May.

Mr Vernon, deployed as a cycle paramedic with the North West Ambulance Service (NWAS) during the parade, was on his way to help a patient having a heart attack when he was struck.

Despite being knocked down, he was able to shelter children in the back of an ambulance and rush to the aid of many of Doyle's 134 victims.

'Almighty force'

Doyle, of Burghill Road in Croxteth, Liverpool, is due to be sentenced on Monday after pleading guilty to 31 charges including causing GBH with intent, dangerous driving and affray.

Mr Vernon had been walking with his bicycle ahead of an ambulance to help it get to where the man had collapsed outside Hooters bar on Water Street, which was packed with tens of thousands of people.

He said: "There was a lot of people singing, a lot of people chanting, and I had the sirens at the back of me in close proximity, so very, very loud.

"I would say we were making good progress, and then all of a sudden I was struck with almighty force from behind, which has sent me flying over to the right-hand side."

Mr Vernon said he landed in a gutter and saw the car passing to his left.

"For me, instantly I thought I was in the middle of a terrorist incident," he said.

After Doyle passed the ambulance, he stopped and reversed straight into it, before richocheting back into the middle of the road.

He said it then lurched forward in a "sweeping" motion "throwing members of the public left and right."

Mr Vernon activated the emergency function on his radio and shouted that he and other pedestrians had been "run over" on Water Street.

He and his colleague jumped in the back of the ambulance to take a "10 second breather" before deciding they needed to join the rescue effort.

"We both looked at each other and said 'we need to help here, let's get out, and let's do our jobs'," Mr Vernon said.

Describing the scene as they opened the door, he said: "There were patients lying on the floor, there were push-chairs on their sides, scarves on the floor, empty beer bottles, there was just everything all over the floor.

"There were piercing screams and people running in any direction you can imagine but just not towards the car."

Fearing that a terrorist could still emerge from the vehicle, the paramedics ushered six or seven children into the back of the ambulance.

"I wasn't sure what the incident was outside," he said.

"I knew there was a car. I knew the car ran over a significant amount of people, but I didn't know what was then coming."

Stopping at the "twisted" frame of his bike to grab some medical supplies, Mr Vernon began triaging the stricken fans in the road, including some still trapped under the Ford Galaxy.

He said his while "extensive" training, including in mass casuality events, kicked in, he had never before been caught up in the same incident he was responding to.

"The adrenaline massively took over," he said.

"I'm going to be honest, the next day I woke up very stiff, you know, and that's very suggestive of that force, that whiplash kind of force."

Mr Vernon said after more medics and police officers arrived on scene he was able to go into a makeshift casualty area in the Mowgli restaurant, where he was able to message his family and friends to tell them he was ok.

Asked his reaction to Doyle's guilty pleas, he said: "I think the relief was immeasurable.

"It was like a weight had lifted off my shoulders because I knew that then negated me from having to go to Crown Court [as a witness], and having to go through that process, and ultimately it's him admitting his guilt for what happened that day."

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