At least two people have been killed and 11 injured in a new Russian overnight drone attack on Ukraine's capital Kyiv, local officials have said.

One of the victims was a one-year-old baby, whose body was pulled from the rubble, Kyiv's military administration head Tymur Tkachenko said Sunday. A young woman is also believed to have been killed.

Russian strikes were also targeted at Kryvyi Rih, President Volodymyr Zelensky's hometown in central Ukraine, where three infrastructure facilities were hit. Air raid warnings were activated overnight for all of the country's regions.

The fresh attack came as Russian President Vladimir Putin has been hardening his warning on the West not to aid Ukraine.

Overnight, several multi-storey residential buildings were partially destroyed and continued to be ablaze after direct hits.

"The Russians are deliberately hitting civilian facilities," Tkachenko said, urging Kyiv residents to remain in shelters.

City authorities said residential buildings were hit in the western Svyatoshynkyi and south-eastern Darnytskyi districts.

There were multiple explosions in Kyiv in the early morning, including at least one in the city centre, seen by the BBC. Several cruise missiles also targeted the capital.

Russia's military has not commented on the reported drone strikes.

Earlier this week, Putin rejected Western proposals for a "reassurance force" in Ukraine the day after any ceasefire comes into place, following a Paris summit aimed at finalising plans for security guarantees.

French President Emmanuel Macron said 26 of Ukraine's allies had formally committed to deploying troops "by land, sea or air" to help provide security the moment fighting was brought to a halt. He gave no further details.

Putin sought to quash the allies' initiative, warning that any troops deployed to Ukraine would be "legitimate targets".

Russia launched a full-scale invasion of Ukraine in February 2022, and Moscow currently controls about 20% of Ukrainian territory - including the southern Crimea peninsula illegally annexed in 2014.

It's been a bruising first week back for the government, full of resignations, reshuffles, and ructions in markets.

All of this will have an impact on what ends up in the chancellor's famous red box outside No 11 in 11 weeks' time.

The first thing to note is that it will be Rachel Reeves holding that briefcase for the second time on 26 November.

Whatever occurred with the deputy prime minister, the security of Reeves' position was apparent in her conversation with me in Birmingham to announce the date of the Budget.

In Downing Street, the message received from the market reaction to the chancellor's summer tears in the Commons was that the cost of borrowing went up when it was thought she was leaving office.

When I saw her, brandishing a hard hat and trowel at a housebuilding site, there seemed no question of her going anywhere.

"We need you to get qualified and get more flats and houses up," she told two bricklaying apprentices, while not entirely convincing with her own trowel technique.

She rather robustly dismissed speculation about Budget measures, large black hole forecasts, and had some sharpish words even for the Office for Budget Responsibility, which we will come back to.

The chancellor spent the summer travelling the country "listening to business" and taking some time off on the Cornish coast.

During that same period global bond markets have been looking fragile. Some economists have even floated the idea there is a £50bn black hole that could lead to the need for loans from the IMF.

As politicians returned to work this week, and US traders returned on Tuesday from a national holiday, the 30-year gilt rate - the effective interest rate facing the UK government for very long-term borrowing - was heading for highs not seen since the early days of Tony Blair and Gordon Brown.

There was some significance to the unwanted landmark: the gains from nearly three decades of relative macroeconomic stability since the Bank of England became independent were being unwound.

I put to the chancellor that fragile bond markets were a reflection of the government's, and her own, personal credibility issue. I have had similar interactions with previous chancellors, including Kwasi Kwarteng.

Reeves was adamant that this was not the case, that the move in bond markets since the beginning of the year had been in line with global trends. "Serious economists" were not talking about the IMF or a UK-specific challenge, she said.

By the end of the week, her bullishness was being proven accurate. The 30-year yield had fallen back, not just to where it was on Monday, but significantly lower, mainly off the back of weaker-than-expected US jobs data.

This was in common with many major economies. In other words, this week's bond markets rollercoaster was not a verdict on UK domestic, economic or political developments.

Indeed, by Wednesday the Bank of England governor Andrew Bailey was playing down the entire focus on this measure, saying, "It is quite a high number but it is not what is being used for funding at all at the moment actually."

He was referring to the fact that such long-term borrowing only makes up a small fraction of overall government debt.

And in terms of demand, there was no sign of a lack of appetite in actual sales of UK debt last week, with record demand on some measures.

The bigger picture though is that these forms of debt do not directly affect, for example, five-year fixed mortgage rates.

So the gilt markets are not fundamentally showing a mini-budget style UK-specific problem. At the same time, there is a clear warning signal here.

Fragile global bond markets do keep an eye on any unattractive economic or political factors. In this case the UK's high inflation, and any doubt after the summer U-turns about the government's control over events, could quickly turn problematic.

Indeed, expect the chancellor's team to use the bond market rollercoaster to make the case that the answer to the autumn's tricky Budget balancing act is not more debt through watering down her borrowing limits. Any gap, they will argue, will have to be filled by higher taxes or lower spending.

The amount of that adjustment depends on markets and the judgement of the OBR on the long-term performance of the economy. There was some substance to the chancellor's off-the-cuff comments to me suggesting the forecasters stick to their primary role rather than giving a "running commentary on policy".

The OBR judgement on UK productivity could be the single biggest determinant of how much of a gap there is, and therefore how much Budget pain the chancellor needs to administer.

Expect some haggling, with the Downing Street team of economists adamant that the OBR's forecast should reflect their reforms, especially on planning. The first take of that critical independent judgement is expected to be delivered to the chancellor in the final days of this month, around the time of her conference speech in Liverpool.

At that point the long list of potential Budget revenue raisers will start to populate the Treasury spreadsheet known as the "scorecard". Rumours will fly around. Indeed ministers are amazed at some of the speculation so far. For example, bank shares fell on suggestions the chancellor would enact a think tank report on windfall taxes, published when she was on holiday, that she has never even read.

Departmental budgets have already been set in the Spending Review, and there is no plan to reopen that process, which must mean that any restraint will have to come from the wider Welfare Bill.

The chancellor did not rule that out to me, but said there was "more to do" on reforms that helped people back into work. The new cabinet, without the former deputy PM, author of a leaked letter on wealth taxes, might be more amenable.

All in all this is the chancellor's chance to author some long-term, pro-growth reforms to the tax system. She still hopes to do that.

But OBR spreadsheets, market ructions, and backbench unhappiness on cuts will ultimately determine just how big the extra tax demand in the red box is on 26 November.

Much can change between now and then.

A former soldier who came under mortar fire in Iraq says women who performed dangerous front-line roles need more recognition and support.

Dr Bex Bennett, from Derbyshire, co-founded community interest company Sisters in Service, which has recruited 160 members across the UK since it began in May last year.

The group helps female military veterans, who now work in healthcare, to support each other through meetings and activities.

Dr Bennett, now an NHS forensic psychiatrist in Nottinghamshire, says women face additional challenges because so few people understand their military experience.

Dr Bennett trained at Sandhurst with the Duke of Sussex and spent several years as a British Army officer with the Royal Electrical and Mechanical Engineers.

A separate deployment in southern Afghanistan involved travelling to remote bases and interacting with local communities.

She believes many people still have a "very outdated idea" that only men deploy to the front line in modern conflicts.

"Often women go out alongside their male counterparts and do female searching and engage with female civilians," Dr Bennett says.

Dr Bennett jokes about close shaves when mortars landed within metres of where she was sleeping in Iraq.

"I managed to avoid anything particularly catastrophic... although my laundry did get blown up one time," she says.

"When anyone has served in Iraq and Afghanistan, it will always leave some scars, it can sometimes be really difficult to talk about.

"When I left the military, I did feel quite isolated, I felt quite alone. I don't think anyone really understood my journey."

Dr Bennett believes female veterans often avoid traditional spaces, such as local Royal British Legion clubs, because of people's misconceptions about the military.

"Women can find it quite daunting," she says. "Sometimes people presume that they haven't served, or they are the wife of someone who has served, and that can be off-putting."

A spokesperson for the Royal British Legion says its clubs are open to everyone.

"As the country's largest military charity, we're proud to be at the heart of a national network that supports our whole Armed Forces community," they added.

But Dr Bennett says Sisters in Service provides "cathartic" support and connection that women can struggle to find after leaving the Armed Forces.

"It's about meeting people that have done similar things, trodden similar paths, and being able to discuss that, and laugh and joke about things that have been happening," Dr Bennett says.

The women meet for meals or coffee, and dog walks in Derbyshire and Nottinghamshire.

They also run online meetings for Sisters in Service members who live further afield, and they are looking at organising fitness activities and residential retreats.

Mel Dyke, who lives in Staffordshire, says the network is a "vital community" for women who leave the military.

"I found my transition quite difficult because I left when I had my eldest daughter," she says.

"One day I was in a supportive Army environment, then the next I was on maternity leave and became a civilian."

Mrs Dyke laughs as she describes her deployment to Iraq as a clerk with the Royal Engineers.

"You often hear the term 'pen-pusher' as clerks out there, but particularly in Iraq I was used for female searches so I would go out on search patrols," she says.

"Going out in a vehicle as 'top cover', so standing on a vehicle with my rifle, providing cover for the driver."

Mrs Dyke says the most difficult time came after she transferred to the Queen Alexandra's Royal Army Nursing Corps, and treated battle casualties at the former national military rehabilitation centre Headley Court, in Surrey.

"I was having to look after friends as patients," she says. "It was really personal because my husband was still out on operations in Afghanistan, but members of his regiment were coming back to Headley Court."

One of those patients suffered a traumatic brain injury in an explosion that killed his comrade. They were both close friends of Mrs Dyke's husband, Chris.

"It was really difficult trying to live life as normal knowing what's going on in Afghanistan... it was emotionally draining, and I [was] also pregnant," Mrs Dyke adds.

Gemma Saunders, a psychotherapist who also worked at Headley Court, co-founded Sisters in Service with Dr Bennett.

Miss Saunders says women who leave the service may have "scars" that compound the challenges they face after moving into demanding healthcare roles.

"They are trained to not show any weakness," she says. "They have to be as good as the men, their counterparts, if not better.

"When they leave service, that doesn't leave them, so sometimes it's much harder for them to reach out and access support.

"Women will carry on and keep going, to carry that mental load more than men. They can come across as a hard shell to crack.

"It's trying to break those barriers that it is OK to ask for help."

Dr Bennett was awarded an honorary master's degree by the University of Derby this summer, for supporting female veterans and for her mental health work.

She recently spent six months working with HMP Nottingham inmates, which included male veterans with mental health conditions.

But Dr Bennett says Sisters in Service needs to "spread the word" about women's front-line role in recent conflicts.

"You are seen, and your experiences matter. There is strength in community, and you are not alone," she adds.

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For a party that makes a lot of noise in British politics, Reform UK has relatively few senior elected politicians.

And one man, its leader Nigel Farage, who's a true household name.

That was evident at this week's conference, where the party's four MPs had a busy schedule of prominent speaking slots, alongside lesser-known figures the party wants to promote.

The party is keen to get away from the idea that it is a one-man-band - or "the Nigel show", as long-time Farage ally Gawain Towler puts it.

That was fair criticism a year ago, says Towler, but not now as more of its new recruits are getting out into "Tellyland".

Reform wants to gain significantly more seats in councils and parliaments across the country in the coming years, and its lead in national opinion polls suggest that ambition is not unrealistic.

But to increase Reform UK's electoral footprint, the party will need a lot more candidates willing to join its ranks.

The party conference is good opportunity to thrust some of these hopefuls into the spotlight to see how they perform.

'The people's army'

Westminster councillor Laila Cunningham is one such hopeful. She seems to be everywhere you turn in Birmingham, popping up on three panels, including two appearances on the main stage.

A lawyer and former prosecutor, who defected from the Conservatives to Reform UK in June, she says she entered politics to improve outcomes for the victims of crime.

A Conservative supporter since a teenager, Cunningham says she was a "huge fan" of former Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher.

"But the Tory party changed," she says, accusing the Conservatives of failures over home ownership, taxation and crime over many years.

She has been tipped to be Reform's candidate for the London mayoral election in 2028, although she's coy about that prospect and stresses the party hasn't even started the selection process yet.

"I'll help the party in any way they need me," she says.

Stephen Atkinson is the Reform UK leader of Lancashire County Council - another name party bosses have high hopes for.

A self-taught engineer who set up a business that makes school furniture, Atkinson rose through the ranks of local politics with the Conservative Party in north-west England.

Then the Brexit years came, and like an increasing number of Reform UK's new joiners, Atkinson quit the Conservatives after becoming disillusioned with the party.

Since becoming council leader in Lancashire in May, Atkinson says he has focused on the "huge financial challenges" facing his Reform UK administration, alongside bread-and-butter issues such as fixing potholes.

In the future, he says, it would be a "great honour" to be a parliamentary candidate for the party where he lives in the Ribble Valley, if he was selected.

"But that's a decision for other people," he adds.

If Reform does manage to get into government, and four years out from a general election it is still a very big "if", some of the party's would-be MPs may find fewer opportunities to rise to the highest levels of politics.

Farage and Zia Yusuf, the party's new head of policy, have talked about appointing dozens of new peers to take up roles in a Reform UK cabinet.

Could former Conservative cabinet minister Nadine Dorries - unveiled this week to much fanfare as Reform UK's latest Tory defector - be drafted into the Lords?

Former Conservative Party chairman Jake Berry was also doing the media rounds in Birmingham, and was seen walking into Friday night's afterparty in the main hall, where US pop legends the Jacksons made a surprise appearance on stage.

Like one of the back-up singers, Berry may be one of those called upon to make up the numbers in one of the many elections Reform UK wants to win.

In his conference speech, Farage said the party was taking the London mayoral election "seriously", as well as polls in Wales and Scotland next year.

He said Reform needed 5,000 vetted candidates to fight those polls, which he called "an essential building block as we head towards a general election".

As he closed the Birmingham conference, he called for volunteers in the audience to get to their feet if they wanted to stand in next year's elections.

"This is the people's army in operation," Farage said.

In a symbolic gesture, some in the audience did stand, but the actual process for selection is designed to be far more rigorous.

Candidate selection has always been a thorny issue for Farage's various electoral vehicles, with election campaigns blown off course by scandals.

Party insiders like to describe Reform's rapid expansion - while ensuring candidates are properly vetted - as being like assembling a jumbo jet while flying it.

They insist they have improved their vetting system since last year's general election, after some candidates were ditched or suspended over offensive comments on social media ahead of the general election.

The party now has assessment centres, where candidates are put through their paces, and a centre for excellence, where activists are caught how to campaign effectively.

Thomas Kerr, the former group leader of the Scottish Conservatives, who defected to Reform in January, was also doing the rounds of the fringe panels in Birmingham, and says he hopes to stand in next year's Holyrood elections.

Asked if Reform UK is one-man band, Kerr says: "I don't think that if Farage was to fall under a bus that Reform wouldn't be polling where we are, because of the momentum behind the party."

Is the party getting more recognisable spokespeople though?

"I think they are slowly starting to do that," Kerr says.

"You see people like me and others appearing on panels at fringe events at conferences. You'll be seeing people speaking at conferences.

"We are four years from a general election, Nigel is the man we are hoping will be prime minister but there will be a team behind him."

And with that, Kerr is interrupted by a Tannoy announcement that "Nigel Farage will be on the main stage at 1pm", and a mad rush to the main stage ensues.

Minutes before, Farage told his team he had wanted to rip up the conference schedule and deliver his main speech early, to react to Angela Rayner resigning as deputy prime minister and other roles.

Reform UK's new faces do their best to put themselves in the frame.

But for now, this is a picture that's very much dominated by one big figure.

A London-born boy is set to become the first millennial saint, in a ceremony steeped in an ancient ritual presided over by Pope Leo on Sunday.

In his short life, Carlo Acutis created websites documenting "miracles" as a means of spreading Catholic teaching, leading some to nickname him God's influencer.

His canonisation had been due in late April, but was postponed following the death of Pope Francis.

More than a million people are estimated to have made a pilgrimage to the Italian hilltop town of Assisi where Carlo's body lies, preserved in wax.

But there is another pilgrimage site associated with Carlo Acutis that has seen an increase in visitors since it was announced that he was to be made a saint - Our Lady of Dolours Church in London.

The font at the back of the Roman Catholic church in the Chelsea area was where Carlo was baptised as a baby in 1991.

To the side of the church an old confession booth has been converted into a shrine to him. In it, a relic holder contains a single strand of Carlo's hair.

"His family were in finance and they were working really temporarily in London," says Father Paul Addison, a friar at the church.

"Although they didn't use the church much, they decided to come and ask to have the child baptised. So Carlo was a flash, a very big flash, in the life of the parish community," he says.

Carlo was not yet six months old when his parents moved back to their home country of Italy, and he spent the rest of his life in Milan.

There, he was known for a love of technology and is said to have enjoyed playing video games.

While some who knew Carlo Acutis say he did not appear to be especially devout, as a teenager he did create a website – pages of which are now framed at the church in Chelsea – in which miracles were documented.

But he died of leukaemia aged just 15.

In the years after his death, Carlo's mother, Antonia Salzano, visited churches around the world to advocate for him to be a saint.

As part of the process, it had to be proved her son had performed "miracles".

"The first miracle, he did the day of the funeral," says Carlo's mother.

"A woman with breast cancer prayed (for) Carlo and she had to start chemotherapy and the cancer disappeared completely," she explains.

Pope Francis attributed two miracles to Carlo Acutis and so the test was passed and he was due to be made a saint on 27 April.

But Pope Francis died during the preceding week.

Some followers who had travelled to Rome for the canonisation instead found themselves among the tens of thousands of mourners at the late pontiff's funeral - Diego Sarkissian, a young Catholic from London, was one of them.

He says he feels a connection to Carlo Acutis and is excited by his canonisation.

"He used to play Super Mario video games on the old Nintendo consoles and I've always loved video games," Mr Sarkissian says.

"The fact that you can think of a saint doing the same things [as you], wearing jeans, it feels so much closer than what other saints have felt like in the past," he says.

Approval for someone to become a saint can take decades or even centuries, but there is a sense that the Vatican fast-tracked Carlo Acutis' canonisation as a means of energising and inspiring faith in young people.

The Catholic Church will be hoping Sunday's events do just that.

The Duke of Sussex will announce a substantial donation to Children in Need on Tuesday when he attends a charity event in Nottingham.

The donation is intended to help support work tackling violence and its effect on young people.

It is one of several engagements for Prince Harry during a visit to the UK, which has also prompted speculation on whether he might meet his father, King Charles.

The duke, who lives in the US with his wife Meghan Markle, was last in the UK in April for a court hearing over the level of security protection he receives from the government while here.

Harry will arrive in London on Monday to attend an awards ceremony for WellChild, which supports seriously ill children and their families. The prince has been a patron for 17 years.

"I am always privileged to attend the WellChild Awards and meet the incredible children, families and professionals who inspire us all with their strength and spirit," he said announcing his return to the UK.

Tuesday's event in Nottingham will be held held at the Community Recording Studio (CRS) in Nottingham, a charity that teaches film and video skills as well as music.

Harry's visit to Nottingham is to build support and funding for community organisations.

He will hold a private briefing with Children in Need, the Police and Crime Commission, CRS and Epic Partners, and will have informal meetings with some of the young people he has met previously.

The duke will also watch live performances from artists, and make a short speech.

Buckingham Palace has not commented on the possibility of a meeting between the King and the duke during this trip. Nor has Harry and Meghan's team.

But recently, there have been signs that tensions between father and son are easing, and that a reconciliation could be within reach.

His father was in Italy on a state visit during the prince's April trip to London.

This time, the King will be in the UK. He has spent most of the summer in Scotland at his Balmoral Estate but is regularly travelling south for cancer treatment and some royal engagements. It leaves open the real possibility of father and son meeting in person.

In May 1989, Dame Anna Wintour did something that would become a hallmark of her time as editor-in-chief of US Vogue: She put a pop star on the cover.

Just a year into her tenure as the top of the magazine's masthead, Dame Anna had already made a name for herself as an editor who instinctively understood the zeitgeist. She was the first to put a model in jeans on Vogue's front, and now, Madonna.

"If it was edgy to do jeans for November 1988, I think it was even edgier for her to do Madonna," says Amy Odell, author of Anna: The Biography.

For Marian Kwei, a stylist and Vogue contributor, this move speaks to Dame Anna's ability to make Vogue "relevant to our times, make it contemporary, make it accessible".

"Before, it was women who could buy couture who were interested in what Vogue had to say," she says. "But Dame Anna realised the need to reach out to the kids listening to Madonna."

Now almost 40 years later, Dame Anna is preparing to hang up her Manolo Blahnik's, sort of – while she will no longer be editor-in-chief, she will remain on as global editorial director. Down the hall will sit her heir, the 39-year-old Chloe Malle, who is stepping in as head of editorial content.

While some have attributed her continued presence as a sign of unwillingness to cede total control, one could also see it as a recognition of her unmatched place in the fashion industry, and the fear that should she go entirely, this print magazine – already a relic to some – will lose its remaining clout.

Once, fashion magazines like Vogue ruled the industry. They didn't have to fight for attention so much as just decree from on high what was and wasn't "chic".

Whether you still see – or ever saw – Vogue as an arbiter of good taste, or reflection of our times, depends on who you talk to.

"I think it's more relevant than people want to admit honestly," Odell says.

For Anja Aronowsky Cronberg, the founder and editor-in-chief of academic fashion publication Vestoj, less so. When she was a teenager growing up in Sweden, "Vogue represented the world out there, something glamorous and different and the wide horizons that I was striving for."

But she stopped reading it 25 years ago.

Today, print magazines are fighting for survival in an increasingly crowded, fast-paced landscape – a monthly publication loses a lot of relevance in a by-the-minute digital world.

"There's no one magazine that is relevant in the way Vogue might have been relevant in the 80s," says Cronberg.

"There are so many other vehicles for culture today," she adds, like TikTok and Instagram.

All this will be factoring into Malle's thinking as she takes on the job of head of editorial content. She reportedly plans to put out issues less frequently, centred around themes or cultural events rather than months. She says she wants to lean into the idea of Vogue in print as something to collect and cherish.

One of the ways that Dame Anna has kept Vogue a part of the conversation is by expanding the people she invited onto the cover.

Since Maddona's debut, Dame Anna has placed royalty, politicians, pop stars, writers and gymnasts on the cover.

"She definitely bridged fashion and entertainment as editor-in-chief of Vogue," says Odell.

It wasn't always well received. When Dame Anna put Kanye West and Kim Kardashian on the cover in 2014, "it sparked so much debate", says Kwei.

"Nobody really wanted to dress [her] because she was a reality star."

Looking at the almost mythological position the Kardashians have gone on to occupy, the cover spoke to Dame Anna's uncanny ability to anticipate culture – as well, arguably, as drive it.

But whether Dame Anna remains the right person to be at the helm, and whether the magazine can withstand increasing financial pressures, remains to be seen.

It is a far more corporate world than it once was.

Her decision to spotlight Lauren Sanchez, the now-wife of Jeff Bezos, also sparked accusations that the magazine was selling out. It was read by some as more about celebrating wealth and luxury than style. Interestingly, it was Malle who apparently organised the story on the power couple's wedding and was dispatched to write it.

Vanessa Friedman, chief fashion critic of The New York Times pointed out in a recent article that "while elite weddings are a hallmark of Vogue, they almost never made its cover, and Ms Sánchez Bezos seemingly had neither the celebrity nor modelling credentials that usually merited cover treatment." The couple's presence at Donald Trump's inauguration also drew criticism from some - and contributed to the cover's backlash, especially on social media.

Dame Anna, who has supported Democratic candidates in the past, has over the years featured Hillary Clinton, Michelle Obama, Jill Biden and, most recently, Kamala Harris. It feels pertinent that whether or not she will invite Melania Trump to be on the cover has been the subject of much discussion – and continues to be, even as Malle steps into the role.

But Vogue can arguably withstand more of this kind of criticism than most because of its fabled history. As Lauren Sherman, the fashion journalist who broke the news of Malle's appointment, tells the BBC: "The Vogue brand stands apart, and is one of the most important fashion brands in the world."

A large part of Vogue's standing in the world is wrapped up in Dame Anna's own - the enigmatic editor-in-chief of fashion, with her instantly recognisable bob and her unknowability.

She has maintained a certain relevancy for the title almost by being the relevancy.

"Anna has been able to stay relevant despite all the various eras we've lived through simply by being as synonymous with culture, fashion and beauty as possible," says Kwei.

This, despite being criticised for being late to make Vogue more diverse compared to other sections of the industry.

"She's a mainstream celebrity figure," says Odell. "What other editor has had a book and an iconic movie made about them? You know, she's been played by Meryl Streep!"

For Cronberg, she is "a brand in and of herself at this point".

So what next?

"I think we're about to see how much of the relevance of Vogue comes from Dame Anna," says Odell.

While Malle may have inherited the magazine's prestige, "it'll be up to Chloe and her team to see if they can use it wisely to influence the way the culture moves," says Sherman.

Ellie Violet Bramley is a freelance writer and former Guardian fashion and lifestyle editor.

A suspected double bomber on the FBI's most wanted list who vanished for 21 years is due in court this week to decide if he will be sent back to the United States to face trial.

The FBI believe Daniel Andreas San Diego has links to animal rights extremist groups and is their prime suspect for a series of bombings in the San Francisco Bay Area in 2003.

Former FBI agents have said there were "missed opportunities" to arrest the 47-year-old before he vanished and claim they found a suspected "bomb-making factory" in his abandoned car after what detectives called a 65-mile (104km) rush-hour chase in California.

Mr San Diego was found 5,000 miles (8,000km) away in a cottage in north Wales last year.

Mr San Diego, who had a $250,000 (£199,000) bounty on his head, faces a five-day extradition hearing at Westminster Magistrates Court in London on Monday to find out if the UK will hand him over to the United States to answer a federal arrest warrant.

The former fugitive, the first born-and-raised American on the FBI's most wanted terrorist list, has been indicted by US prosecutors for maliciously damaging and destroying by means of an explosive after two separate attacks in 2003.

Animal rights extremist group Revolutionary Cells - Animal Liberation Brigade claimed responsibility for the attacks on firms they believed had links with organisations that tested products on animals.

Former FBI Special Agent David Smith was part of a special operations group that had been watching Mr San Diego.

"He was remarkable by being unremarkable," Mr Smith, one of the bureau's top surveillance experts, told the BBC.

"He was relatively young and normal, there was nothing to suggest this guy was starting to look violent. We never got any indication he was aware of us."

The FBI felt it had enough intelligence to suggest Mr San Diego was its prime suspect and thought it was him that planted the devices that detonated a month apart.

But supervisory special agent Andrew Black, part of the FBI's counter-terrorism media team, recalled: "The US Attorney's Office and case agents were making a decision whether to arrest him now or develop more information.

"The hope was he'd lead us to other members of this animal rights group that were using violence to promote their agenda."

Two bombs exploded at a biotechnology corporation in Emeryville, near Oakland, USA, on 28 August 2003, with investigators believing the second bomb was planted to target first responders.

Then a bomb strapped with nails exploded at a nutritional products company in Pleasanton, 30 miles (48km) east of the first blast, on 26 September 2003. No-one was injured in either bombing.

The FBI's former surveillance specialists were told Mr San Diego was developed as a firm suspect and were asked to watch him with an "arrest being imminent".

"We were looking at someone who we think has done multiple bombings and a domestic terrorist," recalled Mr Smith.

Mr Smith and his former colleague Clyde Foreman, a former supervisory special agent, recall urging their colleagues to make the arrest once he had been identified as the main suspect.

Mr Black, an agent of 27 years, added: "As good as you can be, the longer you maintain surveillance eventually they're going to notice something unusual and get spooked.

"There was frustration they weren't given the green light to arrest him as they said there is potential if he leaves, he's going to be able to detonate additional bombs."

The day before Mr San Diego went off the FBI's radar, Mr Smith was hiding in camouflage outside his home.

Hours after Mr Smith and the FBI's surveillance specialists went off shift, he said Mr San Diego made a run for it with detectives in pursuit.

"Almost from the time he came out of his house, he was acting frantically," recalled Mr Smith.

"His driving patterns changed. Where he was going, he was driving erratically which is typical of someone trying to evade surveillance."

Agents said he drove south from his home in Sebastopol, Sonoma County, weaved past commuters, through tunnels and over toll bridges in an hour-long motorway chase that ended in downtown San Francisco.

Not even the FBI's spy planes could keep eyes on their target as San Francisco's infamous fog blocked their view as Mr San Diego slipped the net.

Mr San Diego left his car with the engine still running, at a busy city centre junction next to a subway station, and wasn't seen again.

"The team that followed him were thinking he parked the car and went a few blocks up the street to a location nearby, either known to the animal rights group or he had a connection with," recalled Mr Smith, an FBI agent of 33 years.

"I asked 'did anyone see him go in or is anyone watching that place right now?' They didn't.

"The car was parked in a bus zone next to the subway and we said 'we think he's gone'."

Mr Foreman felt the same.

"We knew he was in the wind and it'll be really difficult to find him," he recalled.

"The case squad was operating under the assumption that San Diego was using a residence for his bomb making.

"When he abandoned his car, we found out his bomb-making lab was in the trunk of his car."

Mr Smith watched as the boot opened and admitted for a detective, it was "everything you ever wanted".

"Had we known that, he'd have certainly been arrested days prior," he added.

"It was validating to say there it was. We felt confident that this was the guy right away. We were very experienced agents and knew a suspect when we saw one.

"It was definitely a missed opportunity."

The double bombing came two years after the 9/11 attacks and the US was on high alert, so department chief Mr Foreman was of the view: "Once you have somebody identified, arrest him."

Mr San Diego was a computer network specialist born in Berkeley, California, and brought up in an upper middle-class area of the San Francisco Bay Area. His father was a city manager.

The FBI worked on tracking Mr San Diego for years after his disappearance, watching family and friends to see if they could lead agents to him. But the scent went cold. They believed he had probably fled to central or South America.

Mr San Diego was indicted in the US District Court in 2004 and the FBI considered him armed and dangerous.

Then, after 21 years of nothing and both Mr Smith and Mr Foreman retiring from the bureau, they heard one of their most notorious fugitives had been detained in the UK after being found in an isolated cottage on a north Wales hillside.

The UK's National Crime Agency (NCA) and counter-terror police swooped in November 2024, arresting Mr San Diego who had been using the alias Danny Webb in the Conwy valley, near the market town of Llanrwst.

"I believe he had some support - you're not chasing Jason Bourne," said Mr Foreman.

"He was not a skilled intelligence officer. He had to have support."

The FBI said it would not comment about the possible missed opportunities to arrest Mr San Diego.

But at the time of his arrest, FBI Director Christopher Wray said: "Daniel San Diego's arrest after more than 20 years as a fugitive for two bombings in the San Francisco area shows that no matter how long it takes, the FBI will find you and hold you accountable."

Mr San Diego, who is being held at the high security Belmarsh Prison in London, has declined to comment.

In June 2023, a video started spreading on pro-war Russian social media channels, apparently showing a drone destroying a Ukrainian tank in a massive explosion.

But not everything is what it seems in the Russia-Ukraine war.

That video was followed by Ukrainian footage showing a laughing soldier pointing at the burning wreckage and exclaiming: "They've hit my wooden tank!"

The tank in question appears to be a plywood decoy used by the Ukrainian forces to deceive the Russians.

It is one of many thousands of full-scale models of military equipment used by both Ukraine and Russia to trick the enemy into wasting valuable ammunition, time and effort.

Almost anything seen on the frontline - from small radars and grenade launchers to jeeps, trucks, tanks and actual soldiers - may be fake.

These imitations can come in flat-packs, be inflatable, 2D or create a radar illusion of a tank by reflecting radio waves in a special way.

In the case of some weapon types deployed in Ukraine, at least half of them are actually decoy imitations.

Flat-pack artillery

Among the most popular decoys used by the Ukrainian army are models of the British-made M777 howitzers. Western allies are understood to have supplied Kyiv with more than 150 of these highly manoeuvrable and accurate artillery pieces, nicknamed "Three Axes" by Ukrainian soldiers.

As with many other types of equipment used by the Ukrainian army, volunteers play an important role in supplying decoy mock-ups.

Ruslan Klimenko says his volunteer group Na Chasi alone has made and supplied to Ukrainian forces about 160 models of M777s. What makes them particularly popular is the fact that they take three minutes, two people and no tools to assemble on the front line, Mr Klimenko says. "No matter how many are delivered, all will be put to good use," he tells the BBC.

Pavlo Narozhny from another group of volunteers, called Reaktyvna Poshta, says that at any given time 10-15 M777 decoys are in production.

Reaktyvna Poshta's decoys are made of plywood, come in flat packs and cost about $500 - $600.

Russia often targets them with Lancet kamikaze drones costing about $35,000. "You do the math", Mr Narozhny says.

One of his M777 decoys, nicknamed Tolya, has spent more than a year on the frontline, surviving hits with at least 14 Lancets, he claims.

Troops "keep putting it back together with some sticky tape and screws, and back off to the frontline it goes", Mr Narozhny says.

Wheel ruts and toilets

Much depends on how decoys are deployed. To successfully draw enemy fire, it helps to faithfully recreate a real position complete with wheel ruts, ammunition crates and toilets. When properly done, this can deceive not just the enemy, but visiting officers too.

"We had an instance in one brigade where a visiting commander was fooled by a decoy: He asked: 'Who gave the order to deploy artillery? Where did the M777s come from?'" says an officer from Ukraine's 33rd Detached Mechanised Brigade, who uses the callsign Charisma.

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According to him, another tactic is to quickly remove real cannons such as mortars after use and replace them with decoys.

"They're ideal for deceiving the enemy and making them waste expensive resources on nothing. They work, we need more of them," he says.

Russia's arsenal of decoys is also rich and varied.

About half of the drones involved in any of Russia's recent aerial attacks are actually cheap imitations, the Ukrainian military says.

"It's fifty-fifty these days. Fifty per cent are real Shahed drones, and fifty per cent are imitation drones. Their job is to overload our air defences and ideally get us to use a missile against a drone that costs peanuts," says Ukrainian air force spokesman Yuri Ihnat. "Sometimes it's a plywood thing that looks as though it was knocked together by some schoolchildren."

While up in the air, however, it looks the same as a lethal Shahed drone to Ukrainian radars, Col Ihnat says.

One Russian firm, Rusbal, produces imitations that include 2D decoys to mislead intelligence gathering from the air or space, decoys that mimic the heat given out by engines or radio traffic coming from soldiers' walkie-talkies, and reflectors that fool the enemy's radars.

Actual soldiers can be imitated too. Volunteers from the Kremlin-backed People's Front movement in Novosibirsk have made dummies wearing military uniforms. To imitate human heat and thus deceive Ukrainian thermal imaging cameras, their trunks are wrapped with heating wire underneath the jacket.

But of course, decoys are not a new idea in war.

In preparation for D-Day landings, an entirely fake army group was set up in the UK, equipped with dummy tanks and decoy aircraft.

It was all part of an elaborate trick to hide the reality on the ground and give the Allies the element of surprise they needed to launch their attack.

Military technology has hugely improved since World War Two. Drones and unmanned systems on the battlefield are a major innovation in this war, for instance.

But no matter what new weapons of destruction make it to the battlefield, it just goes to show that subterfuge and trickery – even with something as simple as a blow up doll - will always play a part in warfare.

For years visitors would venture up Mount Sinai with a Bedouin guide to watch the sunrise over the pristine, rocky landscape or go on other Bedouin-led hikes.

Now one of Egypt's most sacred places - revered by Jews, Christians and Muslims - is at the heart of an unholy row over plans to turn it into a new tourism mega-project.

Known locally as Jabal Musa, Mount Sinai is where Moses is said to have been given the Ten Commandments. Many also believe that this is the place where, according to the Bible and the Quran, God spoke to the prophet from the burning bush.

The 6th century St Catherine's Monastery, run by the Greek Orthodox Church, is also there - and seemingly its monks will stay on now that Egyptian authorities, under Greek pressure, have denied wanting to close it

However, there is still deep concern about how the long-isolated, desert location - a Unesco World Heritage site comprising the monastery, town and mountain - is being transformed. Luxury hotels, villas and shopping bazaars are under construction there.

It is also home to a traditional Bedouin community, the Jebeleya tribe. Already the tribe, known as the Guardians of St Catherine, have had their homes and tourist eco-camps demolished with little or no compensation. They have even been forced to take bodies out of their graves in the local cemetery to make way for a new car park.

The project may have been presented as desperately needed sustainable development which will boost tourism, but it has also been imposed on the Bedouin against their will, says Ben Hoffler, a British travel writer who has worked closely with Sinai tribes.

"This is not development as the Jebeleya see it or asked for it, but how it looks when imposed top-down to serve the interests of outsiders over those of the local community," he told the BBC.

"A new urban world is being built around a Bedouin tribe of nomadic heritage," he added. "It's a world they have always chosen to remain detached from, to whose construction they did not consent, and one that will change their place in their homeland forever."

Locals, who number about 4,000, are unwilling to speak directly about the changes.

So far, Greece is the foreign power which has been most vocal about the Egyptian plans, because of its connection to the monastery.

Tensions between Athens and Cairo flared up after an Egyptian court ruled in May that St Catherine's - the world's oldest continuously used Christian monastery - lies on state land.

After a decades-long dispute, judges said that the monastery was only "entitled to use" the land it sits on and the archaeological religious sites which dot its surroundings.

Archbishop Ieronymos II of Athens, head of the Church of Greece, was quick to denounce the ruling.

"The monastery's property is being seized and expropriated. This spiritual beacon of Orthodoxy and Hellenism is now facing an existential threat," he said in a statement.

In a rare interview, St Catherine's longtime Archbishop Damianos told a Greek newspaper the decision was a "grave blow for us... and a disgrace". His handling of the affair led to bitter divisions between the monks and his recent decision to step down.

The Greek Orthodox Patriarchate of Jerusalem pointed out that the holy site - over which it has ecclesiastical jurisdiction - had been granted a letter of protection by the Prophet Muhammad himself.

It said that the Byzantine monastery - which unusually also houses a small mosque built in the Fatimid era - was "an enshrinement of peace between Christians and Muslims and a refuge of hope for a world mired by conflict".

While the controversial court ruling remains in place, a flurry of diplomacy ultimately culminated in a joint declaration between Greece and Egypt ensuring the protection of St Catherine's Greek Orthodox identity and cultural heritage.

'Special gift' or insensitive interference?

Egypt began its state-sponsored Great Transfiguration Project for tourists in 2021. The plan includes opening hotels, eco-lodges and a large visitor centre, as well as expanding the small nearby airport and a cable car to Mount Moses.

The government is promoting the development as "Egypt's gift to the entire world and all religions".

"The project will provide all tourism and recreational services for visitors, promote the development of the town [of St Catherine] and its surrounding areas while preserving the environmental, visual, and heritage character of the pristine nature, and provide accommodation for those working on St Catherine's projects," Housing Minister Sherif el-Sherbiny said last year.

While work does appear to have stalled, at least temporarily, due to funding issues, the Plain of el-Raha - in view of St Catherine's Monastery - has already been transformed. Construction is continuing on new roads.

This is where the followers of Moses, the Israelites, are said to have waited for him during his time on Mount Sinai. And critics say the special natural characteristics of the area are being destroyed.

Detailing the outstanding universal value of the site, Unesco notes how "the rugged mountainous landscape around... forms a perfect backdrop for the Monastery".

It says: "Its siting demonstrates a deliberate attempt to establish an intimate bond between natural beauty and remoteness on the one hand and human spiritual commitment on the other."

Back in 2023, Unesco highlighted its concerns and called on Egypt to stop developments, check their impact and produce a conservation plan.

This has not happened.

In July, World Heritage Watch sent an open letter calling on Unesco's World Heritage Committee to place the St Catherine's area on the List of World Heritage Sites in Danger.

Campaigners have also approached King Charles as patron of the St Catherine Foundation, which raises funds to help conserve and study the monastery's heritage with its collection of valuable ancient Christian manuscripts. The King has described the site as "a great spiritual treasure that should be maintained for future generations".

The mega-project is not the first in Egypt to draw criticism for a lack of sensitivity to the country's unique history.

But the government sees its series of grandiose schemes as key to reinvigorating the flagging economy.

Egypt's once-thriving tourism sector had begun to recover from the effects of the Covid-19 pandemic when it was hit by the brutal war in Gaza and a new wave of regional instability. The government has declared an aim of reaching 30 million visitors by 2028.

Under successive Egyptian governments, commercial development of the Sinai has been carried out without consulting the indigenous Bedouin communities.

The peninsula was captured by Israel during the 1967 Middle East War and only returned to Egypt after the two countries signed a peace treaty in 1979. The Bedouin have since complained of being treated like second-class citizens.

The construction of Egypt's popular Red Sea destinations, including Sharm el-Sheikh, began in South Sinai in the 1980s. Many see similarities with what is happening at St Catherine's now.

"The Bedouin were the people of the region, and they were the guides, the workers, the people to rent from," says Egyptian journalist Mohannad Sabry.

"Then industrial tourism came in and they were pushed out - not just pushed out of the business but physically pushed back from the sea into the background."

As with the Red Sea locations, it is expected that Egyptians from elsewhere in the country will be brought in to work at the new St Catherine's development. However, the government says it is also "upgrading" Bedouin residential areas.

St Catherine's Monastery has endured many upheavals through the past millennium and a half but, when the oldest of the monks at the site originally moved there, it was still a remote retreat.

That began to change as the expansion of the Red Sea resorts brought thousands of pilgrims on day trips at peak times.

In recent years, large crowds would often be seen filing past what is said to be the remnants of the burning bush or visiting a museum displaying pages from the Codex Sinaiticus - the world's oldest surviving, nearly complete, handwritten copy of the New Testament.

Now, even though the monastery and the deep religious significance of the site will remain, its surroundings and centuries-long ways of life look set to be irreversibly changed.