Rare hyena behaviours have been caught on camera, including a mother-to-be trying to steal food from wild dogs and outsmarting rivals by hiding a stolen carcass underwater to mask its scent.

This is just some of the remarkable animal behaviour on display in the new BBC wildlife documentary series, Kingdom, which follows the lives of four rival carnivore families over five years.

​​The scenes include poignant moments as the animals face threats from snare trappings to brutal ambushes and violent territorial battles.

"We could never have written a script like this, only nature could write this script," said executive producer Mike Gunton.

​​Behind the scenes, the Zambia Carnivore Programme works to protect these animals.

​​The team followed four animal families - leopards, hyena, wild dogs and lions - in Zambia's Luangwa Valley, capturing rare moments and revealing the intricate dynamics of life in one of Africa's wildest regions.

Viewers will watch five-day-old lion cubs opening their eyes, alongside dramatic scenes shown in Kingdom for the first time, such as a pack of wild dogs rescuing one of their own from the jaws of a crocodile.

Other wild animals like elephants and baboons also feature in the new series, which is narrated by Sir David Attenborough.

​"Everything about these species has been shaped by millions of years of competition alongside each other," said series producer Felicity Lanchester. "Now…humans are changing that," she added.

Filmmakers and scientific researchers in the region have collaborated behind the scenes as the footage is a valuable source of data, informing conservation strategies.

​​"We got a lot of information that we wouldn't have been able to get otherwise... on topography, diet, movement, births, and deaths,” said Dr Matthew Becker, scientific consultant for the series and CEO of the Zambia Carnivore Programme.

The greatest threat these large carnivores face is habitat loss, while snaring and a declining prey base also play a role. Wire traps, or snares, are often set for antelope - both for food and illegal trade - but many large mammals become victims as by-catch.

These pressures are changing pack sizes, diets and survival strategies, according to Dr Becker. A single incident can have knock-on effects, impacting dozens or even hundreds of animals.

​​In one scene, a wild dog reappears after losing a leg in a snare trap. Despite his injury, his natal pack welcomes him back, ensuring he eats his share and keeps up on hunts.

​​For those not as fortunate, the Zambia Carnivore Programme exists to protect them. The organisation, along with other local groups, removes snares, safeguards dens and provides information for law enforcement on illegal trade in ivory and bushmeat.

Reflecting on the conservation focus of the series, Dr Becker said: "Ultimately, it's a message of optimism in the face of some very concerning trends."

​​Its incorporation in wildlife programmes is now an inevitability, according to the producers.

The external forces acting on these creatures are clear and series like Kingdom can shed light on the need to protect them.

Speaking about conservation, ​​series editor, Simon Blakeney, said: ​​"It’s a challenge, but it's not hopeless."

Kingdom begins on BBC One at 18:20 GMT on Sunday and will be available to watch on BBC iPlayer.

US President Donald Trump has said he would be reluctant to send federal funding to his hometown of New York City if left-wing front-runner Zohran Mamdani is elected mayor of America's biggest city this week.

"It's gonna be hard for me as the president to give a lot of money to New York, because if you have a Communist running New York, all you're doing is wasting the money you're sending there," Trump said in a television interview.

The Trump administration has repeatedly tried to cut federal grants and funding for projects primarily located in Democratic-run areas.

Opinion polls indicate Mamdani is ahead of his main rival, former New York Governor Andrew Cuomo, on the eve of Tuesday's vote.

Trump did not elaborate on his remark about funding should Mamdani win. New York City received $7.4bn (£5.7bn) in federal funding this fiscal year.

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In a wide-ranging interview with CBS programme 60 Minutes on Sunday, Trump said that a Mayor Mamdani would make left-wing former New York City Mayor Bill de Blasio "look great".

"I got to see de Blasio, how bad a mayor he was, and this man will do a worse job than de Blasio by far," the president said of Mamdani.

Trump, who grew up in the New York borough of Queens, also effectively endorsed Cuomo, a Democrat, in the interview.

"I'm not a fan of Cuomo one way or the other, but if it's gonna be between a bad Democrat and a Communist, I'm gonna pick the bad Democrat all the time, to be honest with you," the Republican president said.

Mamdani, who would run a world financial hub, is a self-described democratic socialist, though he has rejected accusations he is a communist, joking in one television interview that he was "kind of like a Scandinavian politician", only browner.

Mamdani won the Democratic primary, while Cuomo came second. The 34-year-old state assemblyman has called the former New York governor a puppet and parrot of Trump.

"The answer to a Donald Trump presidency is not to create its mirror image here in City Hall," Mamdani said on Monday.

"It is to create an alternative that can speak to what New Yorkers are so desperate to see in their own city and what they find in themselves and their neighbours every day - a city that believes in the dignity of everyone who calls this place home."

Cuomo has sought to parry that line of attack by presenting himself as the only candidate experienced enough to deal with the Trump administration.

He was governor of New York during the Covid-19 pandemic when many states clashed with the Trump administration, though Cuomo himself came under scrutiny after state investigators found nursing home deaths were significantly understated during the outbreak.

"I fought Donald Trump," Cuomo said during a debate. "When I'm fighting for New York, I am not going to stop."

Trump has deployed National Guard troops to Democratic-led cities as part of a crime crackdown, while seeking to strip funding from jurisdictions that limit their co-operation with federal immigration authorities.

The political head of the body that oversees the European Convention on Human Rights has told the BBC that it is "absolutely ready" to discuss reforms amid pressure from the UK and other countries over migration.

Speaking exclusively to the BBC, Alain Berset, the secretary general of the Council of Europe, predicted that quitting international human rights law would leave the UK "isolated" on the world stage.

He acknowledged human rights laws may need to "change or adapt" and the institutions, whose creation was largely led by the British after World War Two, remained crucial to peace, security and justice.

Berset's words - ahead of the Convention's 75th anniversary - are the most public confirmation that the body could evolve amid mounting debate over its future across the continent. It is also public recognition that it has to talk to the UK about its future - and about potential change.

The council, which is unrelated to the European Union, is the international political body in Strasbourg that oversees and enforces the work of the European Court of Human Rights.

The court rules on how to interpret human rights law in its 46 member states. In the UK, the government and judges must take these rulings into account, but are not bound by judgments that do not closely relate to our circumstances.

Sir Keir Starmer's government has committed to changing how the government interprets the right to privacy and family life so that it can't be used by illegal immigrants to frustrate their removal from the country.

In a speech earlier this year in Strasbourg, Shabana Mahmood, then justice secretary and now home secretary, said the convention itself must evolve to maintain public confidence.

The Conservatives and Reform are calling for the UK to walk away from the treaty, claiming Strasbourg's human rights law is a block on managing borders.

Nine EU nations, led by Denmark and Italy, have also called for major changes - which would need the agreement of all member states.

In a rare interview about the EHRC's relationship with the UK at the council's headquarters in France, Berset told the BBC: "I am ready, absolutely ready, and really open to engage in all political discussions, to see what we need to discuss, maybe to change or to adapt.

"Let us engage on migration issues and to see what we need to address and maybe to change.

"The most important point is to be ready to speak on all issues without taboo... and to see then what could be the possible consensus between member states."

Critics of the ECHR say that the advantage of leaving for the UK would be to take back control over human rights law.

But Berset said: "The opposite is true. What I see is more the risk to be a bit isolated. It would mean to be not participating to all the discussion on migration, to take an influence."

While he said he would not comment on internal politics in the UK, Berset appealed for the debate over the ECHR had to return to "facts".

He denied that it was a friend of terrorists or illegal immigrants, following criticism that the court has increasingly prevented the deportation of illegal immigrants and migrants who commit criminal offences.

He said the UK also had to consider how leaving would effect Northern Ireland's power sharing agreement and the post-Brexit deal with the EU, both of which include a legal commitment to shared human rights principles.

Leaving, he argued, would send a "really negative signal" for Ukraine because of the Council of Europe's central role, supported by the UK, in preparations for tribunals in relation to war crimes.

"Churchill was the father of the Council of Europe, and the convention," said Berset.

"It will be quite difficult and really hard to see this [the UK quitting]. There is no alternative. We need to have some room, places, where we are in discussion together."

He added: "It will be an interesting test for all of us. Are we able to avoid the wars to make sure that in this phase of divergence that we are witnessing right now, are we strong enough to make sure again, that we have convergence, take control of what we want to have as a future collectively?"

Mohamed Hamdan Dagolo, known as "Hemedti", has emerged as a dominant figure on Sudan's political stage, with his paramilitary Rapid Support Forces (RSF) now controlling half of the country.

The RSF scored a notable victory recently when it overran the city of el-Fasher, the last garrison held by the Sudanese army and its local allies in the western region of Darfur.

Feared and loathed by his adversaries, Hemedti is admired by his followers for his tenacity, ruthlessness, and his promise to tear down a discredited state.

Hemedti has humble origins. His family is from the Mahariya section of the camel-herding, Arabic-speaking Rizeigat community that spans Chad and Darfur.

He was born in 1974 or 1975 - like many from a rural background, his date and place of birth were not registered.

Led by his uncle Juma Dagolo, his clan moved into Darfur in the 1970s and 80s, fleeing war and seeking greener pastures and were allowed to settle.

After dropping out of school in his early teens, Hemedti earned money trading camels across the desert to Libya and Egypt.

At the time, Darfur was Sudan's wild west - poor, lawless and neglected by the government of then-President Omar al-Bashir.

Arab militiamen known as the Janjaweed - including a force commanded by Juma Dagolo - were attacking the villages of the indigenous Fur ethnic group.

This cycle of violence led to a full-scale rebellion in 2003, in which Fur fighters were joined by Masalit, Zaghawa and other groups, saying they had been ignored by the country's Arab elite.

In response, Bashir massively expanded the Janjaweed to spearhead his counter-insurgency efforts. They quickly won notoriety for burning, looting, raping and killing.

Hemedti's unit was among them, with a report by African Union peacekeepers saying it attacked and destroyed the village of Adwa in November 2004, killing 126 people, including 36 children.

A US investigation determined that the Janjaweed were responsible for genocide.

The Darfur conflict was referred to the International Criminal Court (ICC), which brought charges against four men, including Bashir, who has denied carrying out genocide.

Hemedti was one of the many Janjaweed commanders deemed too junior to be in the prosecutor's sights at that time.

Just one, the Janjaweed "colonel of colonels", Ali Abdel Rahman Kushayb, was brought to court.

Last month he was found guilty on 27 counts of war crimes and crimes against humanity and he will be sentenced on 19 November.

In the years following the height of the violence in 2004, Hemedti played his cards skilfully, rising to become head of a powerful paramilitary force, a corporate empire, and a political machine.

It is a story of opportunism and entrepreneurship. He briefly mutinied, demanding back-pay for his soldiers, promotions and a political position for his brother. Bashir gave him most of what he wanted and Hemedti rejoined the fold.

Later, when other Janjaweed units mutinied, Hemedti led the government forces that defeated them, in the process taking control of Darfur's biggest artisanal gold mine at a place called Jebel Amir.

Rapidly, Hemedti's family company Al-Gunaid became Sudan's largest gold exporter.

In 2013, Hemedti asked - and got - formal status as head of a new paramilitary group, the RSF, reporting directly to Bashir.

The Janjaweed were folded into the RSF, getting new uniforms, vehicles and weapons - and also officers from the regular army who were brought in to help with the upgrade.

The RSF scored an important victory against the Darfur rebels, did less well in fighting an insurgency in the Nuba Mountains adjacent to South Sudan, and took a subcontract to police the border with Libya.

Ostensibly curbing illicit migration from Africa over the desert to the Mediterranean, Hemedti's commanders also excelled in extortion and, reportedly, people-trafficking.

In 2015, Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates (UAE) called on the Sudanese army to send troops to fight against the Houthis in Yemen.

The contingent was commanded by a general who had fought in Darfur, Abdel Fattah al-Burhan, now the head of the army at war with the RSF.

Hemedti saw a chance and negotiated a separate, private deal with both Saudi Arabia and the UAE to provide RSF mercenaries.

The Abu Dhabi connection proved most consequential. It was the beginning of a close relationship with the Emirati president, Mohamed bin Zayed

Young Sudanese men - and increasingly from neighbouring countries too - trekked to the RSF recruiting centres for cash payments of up to $6,000 (£4,500) on signing up.

Hemedti struck a partnership with Russia's Wagner Group, receiving training in return for commercial dealings, including in gold.

He visited Moscow to formalise the deal, and was there on the day that Russia invaded Ukraine. After the war in Sudan broke out, he denied the RSF was getting help from Wagner.

Although the RSF's main combat units were increasingly professionalised, it also encompassed a coalition of irregular old-style ethnic militia.

As the regime faced mounting popular protests, Bashir ordered Hemedti's units to the capital Khartoum.

Punning on his name, the president dubbed him himayti, "my protector", seeing the RSF as a counterweight to potential coup makers in the regular army and national security.

It was a miscalculation. In April 2019, a vibrant camp of civic protesters surrounded the military headquarters demanding democracy.

Bashir ordered the army to open fire on them. The top generals - Hemedti among them - met and decided to depose Bashir instead. The democracy movement celebrated.

For a time, Hemedti was lionised as the fresh face of Sudan's future. Youthful, personable, actively meeting diverse social groups, and positioning himself as the challenger to the country's historic establishment, he tried to change his political colours. That lasted just a few weeks.

As he and the joint head of the ruling military council, Burhan, stalled on handing power to civilians, the protesters stepped up their rallies, and Hemedti unleashed the RSF, which killed hundreds of people, raped women, and threw men into the River Nile with bricks tied to their ankles, according to a report by campaign group Human Rights Watch (HRW).

Hemedti has denied the RSF committed atrocities.

Pressed by the quartet of countries formed to promote peace and democracy in Sudan - the US, UK, Saudi Arabia and the UAE - the generals and the civilians agreed to a compromise drafted by African mediators.

For two years, there was an unstable coexistence of a military-dominated sovereign council and a civilian cabinet.

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As a cabinet-appointed committee investigating the companies owned by the army, security and RSF closed in on its final report - which was set to expose how Hemedti was fast expanding his corporate empire - Burhan and Hemedti dismissed the civilians and took power.

But the coup-masters fell out. Burhan demanded that the RSF come under army command.

Hemedti resisted. Days before a deadline in April 2023 to resolve this issue, RSF units moved to surround the army headquarters and seize key bases and the national palace in the capital, Khartoum.

The putsch failed. Instead, Khartoum became a war zone as the rival forces fought street by street.

Violence exploded in Darfur, with RSF units mounting a vicious campaign against the Masalit people.

The UN estimates as many as 15,000 civilians died, and the US described it as genocide. The RSF denied the allegation.

RSF commanders circulated videos of their fighters torturing and killing, advertising the atrocities and their sense of impunity.

The RSF and its allied militia rampaged across Sudan, pillaging cities, markets, universities, and hospitals.

An avalanche of looted goods are for sale in what are popularly known as "Dagolo markets" reaching beyond Sudan into Chad and other neighbouring countries. The RSF has denied its fighters are involved in looting.

Trapped in the national palace under attack from artillery and airstrikes, Hemedti was badly injured in the early weeks of the conflict and disappeared from public view.

When he reappeared months later he showed no remorse for atrocities and was no less determined to win the war on the battlefield.

The RSF has acquired modern weapons including sophisticated drones, that it has used to strike Burhan's de facto capital, Port Sudan, and which played a crucial role in the assault on el-Fasher.

Investigative reporting by, among others, the New York Times, has documented that these are transported through an airstrip and supply base built by the UAE just inside Chad. The UAE denies that it is arming the RSF.

With this weaponry, the RSF is locked in a strategic stalemate with its former partner, the Sudanese army.

Hemedti is trying to build a political coalition, including some civilian groups and armed movements, most notably his former adversaries in the Nuba Mountains.

He has formed a parallel "Government of Peace and Unity", taking the chairmanship for himself.

With the capture of al-Fasher, the RSF now controls almost all the inhabited territory west of the Nile.

Following escalating reports of mass killings and widespread condemnation, Hemedti declared an investigation into what he called violations committed by his soldiers during the capture of el-Fasher.

Sudanese speculate that Hemedti sees himself either as president of a breakaway state, or still harbours ambitions to rule all of Sudan.

It's also possible that he sees a future as an all-powerful political puppet master, head of a conglomerate that controls businesses, a mercenary army and a political party. By these means, even if he isn't acceptable as Sudan's public face, he can still pull the strings.

And as Hemedti's troops massacre civilians in al-Fasher, he is confident that he enjoys impunity in a world that does not care much.

Alex de Waal is the executive director of the World Peace Foundation at the Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy at Tufts University in the US.

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At least three climbers, including a French national and two Nepalese people, have died after being hit by an avalanche on a Himalayan peak in north-eastern Nepal, police say.

The incident happened at 09:00 local time (03:15 GMT) on Monday near the base camp of the Yalung Ri mountain in Dolakha district.

A further four climbers - two Italians, a German and a Canadian - are feared dead but a search for them is continuing. The killed and missing were part of a group of 12 trekkers and local guides that set out over an hour before the avalanche hit, the district police chief told the BBC.

Five Nepali guides who returned to the base camp were injured but not critically.

"Three bodies have been seen and rescue teams have to find four more," local deputy superintendent of Police Gyan Kumar Mahato told the BBC.

It is not clear if the other two confirmed dead, who are both Nepali, were working with the group or were climbers themselves.

Mr Mahato said a rescue helicopter had landed on Monday in the Na Gaun area of Dolakha - a five-hour walk from the Yelung Ri base camp.

Efforts to locate those still missing have been hampered by poor weather and logistical issues, according to local media reports.

Separately, attempts to rescue two Italian climbers who went missing while attempting to scale the Panbari mountain in western Nepal are continuing.

Stefano Farronato and Alessandro Caputo were part of a three-man group that became stranded along with three local guides last week. The third member of the group, named in media reports as Velter Perlino, 65, has since been rescued.

Autumn is a popular season for trekkers and mountaineers in Nepal as weather conditions and visibility have tended to be better. However, the risk of severe weather and avalanches remains.

Last week, Cyclone Montha triggered heavy rain and snowfall across Nepal, stranding people in the Himalayas.

Two British and one Irish woman were among a group that had to be rescued after being trapped for several days in the western Mustang region.

Severe weather also left hundreds of hikers stranded near Mount Everest in October.