Home Secretary Yvette Cooper is to announce details of a tightening of rules for migrants who have been granted asylum bringing their families to the UK.

As MPs return to Westminster, Cooper will also set out reforms to the asylum appeals system.

When a person is granted asylum in the UK, they can apply to bring their family too but Cooper believes changes to policies across Europe mean the UK is now out of kilter with its neighbours and restrictions are needed.

In the Commons this afternoon she is expected to set out the criteria that family members will need to meet - including tougher English language standards and access to sufficient funds.

Cooper will also say she intends to bring forward new legislation to reform the asylum appeals system.

In August 55 small boats crossed the Channel. It was the lowest figure for the month since 2019.

Yet the smuggling gangs seem to be putting more people on each boat - last month there was an average of 65 individuals per vessel.

The Conservatives say "Labour's claim to have smashed the gangs is completely discredited".

Reform UK say the "government's words aren't matching the reality".

Cooper will say the government's overhaul of a "broken" asylum system seeks to end the use of hotels for migrants arriving on small boats - an issue which has led to protests in recent months.

She will also highlight the National Crime Agency's efforts in tackling people smugglers, saying it led 347 disruptions of immigration crime networks in 2024-25 - the highest level on record and a 40% increase on the previous 12 months.

On Friday the Appeal Court overturned a temporary injunction which would have prevented the Home Office from housing asylum seekers at the Bell Hotel in Epping and it was seen as a possible precedent for legal challenges elsewhere.

Epping Forest District Council will meet later on Monday to decide its next course of action, including whether to take its attempt to prevent the hotel being used for asylum seekers to the Supreme Court.

In the Commons, the home secretary is expected to say the NCA efforts have led to "a significant and long term impact" on people smugglers.

The government's planned reforms to the asylum system announced in the last few weeks include a new independent body prioritising cases involving asylum accommodation and foreign national offenders within 24 weeks, and a new fast track appeals process.

Cooper will also give an update on the UK's returns deal with France, where some migrants arriving in the UK on small boats crossing the English Channel will be detained and returned under a pilot scheme lasting 11 months.

She is expected to announce that the first deportations to France are due to take place in the coming weeks.

"Our action to strengthen border security, increase returns and overhaul the broken asylum system are putting much stronger foundations in place so we can fix the chaos we inherited and end costly asylum hotels," she will tell the Commons.

Cooper will say the UK has a "proud record of giving sanctuary to those fleeing persecution" but the system "needs to be properly controlled and managed".

Shadow home secretary Chris Philp said the government had "lost control" and was "engulfed in a fully fledged borders crisis".

He said Cooper's statement was a "desperate distraction tactic", and pointed to the rise in asylum seekers being housed in hotels under the Labour government and the record number of arrivals in small boats so far this year.

A Reform UK spokesman said: "We have seen a record number of crossings since Labour came to power last year with no signs of it slowing."

Reform, they added, had a "detailed plan to deport over 600,000 illegal migrants" in its first term in office if elected. Labour sided "with foreign courts and outdated treaties" while Reform were "on the side of the British people".

A full High Court hearing to decide on a permanent injunction for The Bell Hotel is expected in mid-October.

The government says it plans to stop using hotels for asylum seekers by the end of this Parliament.

Ministers said the judgement on the legal challenge on the Bell Hotel, which was brought by lawyers for the Home Office and The Bell Hotel, would allow the government to do so "in a planned and orderly fashion".

But some councils say they are still pursuing legal action to stop asylum seekers from being housed in hotels in their areas.

Reform UK said all 12 councils it controlled should explore legal options to stop asylum seekers being housed in local hotels.

Conservative leader Kemi Badenoch urged Tory-run councils pursuing legal action to "keep going" and said advice would be issued to all Conservative councillors following the ruling.

The protests at the Bell Hotel began after an asylum seeker housed there was arrested and subsequently charged with several offences, including an alleged sexual assault on a 14-year-old girl.

Protests against the housing of asylum seekers at hotels - as well as counter-protests - continued to take place across England and Scotland at the weekend including in Epping, London, Gloucester, Portsmouth, Warrington, Norwich and Falkirk.

Staff at a luxury jewellery retailer were told to pose as customers to trick investors in the UK's biggest diamond scam, BBC Panorama can reveal.

The deception helped diamond dealer Vashi Dominguez get fresh cash from investors to prop up his business, which collapsed in 2023 with £170m of debts.

Those investors lost everything when the Vashi retail chain's promised £157m stock of diamonds was later only valued at about £100,000.

Vashi disappeared, but both the Metropolitan Police and the Serious Fraud Squad have decided not to investigate.

BBC Panorama has spoken to former shop staff, investors and the financial experts combing through the wreckage of the company to piece together how Vashi fooled so many people - and to ask why authorities are not looking for him.

"This is bigger than Hatton Garden, Brink's-Mat and the Great Train Robbery combined," says one of the investors, Michael Moszynski, an advertising executive.

'The Pied Piper of jewellery'

Vashi Dominguez made his name supplying diamonds to the rich. His reputation grew as his diamond deals grew bigger.

He appeared on ITV's This Morning, chatting with Holly Willoughby and Phillip Schofield, holding a crystal egg, which he claimed was worth £5m and he was selling for a billionaire in Canada.

"Vashi is very dynamic, he's a very charismatic character. He was almost like the Pied Piper of jewellery retail," says Will Hayward, a former Vashi store manager.

By 2017, Vashi was no longer just a diamond dealer to the rich. He was a High Street brand, with Vashi stores in London, Birmingham and Manchester.

Vashi said he was offering a different kind of jewellery experience, where customers could work with designers and then watch their jewellery being made on site. They were promised high-end diamonds at a cheaper price.

"Vashi was quite a magnetic individual," says Mr Moszynski. "He had gravitas, he had intelligence, he spoke in a very informed way about every detail of his business."

Vashi backed up his ideas with detailed business plans and accounts. He tricked experienced investors like Clive Schlee, the former boss of the sandwich chain Pret a Manger, and John Caudwell, the mobile phone billionaire.

Mark Schneider, a media executive who co-founded GB News, decided to invest about £750,000. "It seemed good. Some smart guys from around here were in the deal, I just kind of went along with it on that basis," he says.

The business seemed to be booming. In 2021, Vashi opened a new flagship store on a prime site in Covent Garden, central London. It was fitted out extravagantly, with a large interactive screen and an £8,000 sofa, staff say.

But on the shop floor, they suspected something was not right.

"After the shininess had worn off, we were getting, like, two, three, four people in it a day, and that was the reality in one of the busiest squares in London," says Charlotte Paul, a former data analyst for Vashi.

Vashi tried to bring in more money by tricking investors, telling staff to pretend to be customers so the store would look busy.

An email spelled out why: "This request is direct from Vashi, as he is in major investor conversations and expects surprise store visits."

Sales staff with no experience of making jewellery were also told to sit at work benches and pretend to be goldsmithing or diamond-setting.

"It was a whole elaborate show that Vashi would do with the clients, to show that they've got so many orders and this is how busy we are - this is why you should really be investing into Vashi," says Will Hayward.

"Total facade."

Customers were also being conned, staff say.

Diamonds for sale usually carry inscriptions that record their size and quality, called a GIA number.

Lezlie Bailey, who worked as a gemologist at Vashi, says the company was buying smaller or lower-quality diamonds than customers had paid for and scratching off the GIA numbers.

But the biggest trick Vashi used to cheat investors was in the accounts.

The figures sent to investors - and published at Companies House - showed sales of more than £100m in 2021.

But they were false. Internal documents show the real sales figures that year were only £5m - just 5% of the published figures.

"To completely misrepresent the accounts by this scale is just completely unacceptable," says Stuart McFadden from fraud investigation company Refundee, which represents some investors.

'Nothing to do with us'

Vashi's company was on its knees, but the man himself was still living the good life. The company paid for his fleet of luxury cars, including a Lamborghini, and the rent for several flats in prime central London neighbourhoods such as Mayfair.

It could not last - and in April 2023, the glitzy jewellery retail business went bust.

Investors were shocked but thought their money would be safe, because they had been sent valuations in February showing the company's huge stock of diamonds was worth £157m.

But they learned this had been another trick. Diamond consultant Rob Wake-Walker, who was brought in to value the gems that April, says: "Our first question was actually to ask if there was any more."

The valuation of the diamonds and the dodgy accounts had been signed off by a real accountant: Rajnikant Patel, who works from a small office on a row of shops in Ilford, east London.

He did not answer our letters, so I went to see him and asked where the missing money had gone.

Mr Patel said he did not know where the money was and did not want to discuss what happened, in case it prejudiced any future court case against Vashi.

Asked about the investors who had lost money, Mr Patel said he did not think anyone based their decision to invest "purely on our accounts".

"Obviously it's not good. The shareholders, the investors have lost their money. I certainly am very sorry that's happened, but nothing to do with us," he said.

Mr Patel said he did not know the figures in the accounts were wrong and would not have signed them off if he had known.

The liquidator, Benji Dymant, says creditors are owed £170m and that more than £100m of that is owed to investors. Mr Dymant would like to question Vashi, but he has vanished.

His disappearance also means the BBC was unable to put our allegations to him.

From bank statements, Mr Dymant says he knows Vashi flew to Dubai on the day the court ordered the company to be wound up.

"We have hired private investigators and there have been sightings of him, but we have not been given any hard evidence of a sort of residence or location in a certain place," the liquidator says.

Sparkle and glamour

Vashi has cheated investors, staff and the taxman, but the search party is surprisingly small.

There is no investigation by the police or the Serious Fraud Office (SFO).

Investors are stunned that nothing is being done. "I mean, what are you actually doing?" says Mark Schneider, who is American. "All these people in your country can be ripped off in such an obvious way and you don't bother trying to figure out how to get hold of the person or to deal with the fraud."

Investors say they were passed between the Metropolitan Police and the SFO, until the SFO eventually said it was not a complex-enough case for it to take on.

The SFO told us it only "takes on a small number of high-level economic crime cases" each year.

The Met Police told us it had "not received any referrals from the liquidator or the Insolvency Service" and would reassess if it did.

The liquidator says he is not allowed to tell us whether he referred the case to the police or the SFO.

Investors think Vashi Dominguez committed the perfect crime and escaped with a fortune.

But the liquidator, who has gone through the books, says there is no evidence that he has taken a lot of the missing cash.

"What we haven't seen from the bank statements is significant bulk sums of money, or any obvious sums of the money, that have been put into an offshore account or anything like that," says Mr Dymant.

Like most investors, Mark Schneider has not got his money back. He still cannot work out whether Vashi was a scam from the beginning.

"I'm not sure whether the guy panicked because this thing just wasn't working like he planned or whether he planned it all along to be like this," he says.

What we know is Vashi Dominguez used sparkle and glamour to attract tens of millions of pounds from investors.

All the money has gone and so has he.

Many ScotRail passengers will benefit from cheaper travel after the state-owned rail operator scrapped peak fares.

From 1 September, the higher fares for busy times will no longer be imposed, meaning significant savings for customers.

A rail ticket from Edinburgh to Glasgow will be almost 50% cheaper, with trips between Perth and Dundee a third less than previously.

The aim is to get more commuters out of cars and onto trains. Fares on routes that do not currently have peak time prices will be unchanged.

ScotRail ticketing will also be more straightforward and flexible under the new system.

A pilot scheme scrapping peak-time ScotRail fares, a policy championed by the Scottish Greens, was introduced in 2023 but ended in September 2024 after ministers said the costs of the subsidy could not be justified.

However, in his programme for government speech in May, First Minister John Swinney announced that peak fares would again be scrapped.

He told MSPs: "Last year, in the face of severe budget pressures, we took the difficult decision to end the peak fares pilot on our railways.

"But now, given the work we have done to get Scotland's finances in a stronger position, and hearing also the calls from commuters, from climate activists and from the business community, I can confirm that, from 1 September this year, peak rail fares in Scotland will be scrapped for good.

"A decision that will put more money in people's pockets and mean less CO2 is pumped into our skies."

Joanne Maguire, managing director at ScotRail told BBC Scotland News: "We are really excited at the opportunity to get more customers out of their cars and onto the railway.

"If you are travelling from Edinburgh to Glasgow you will see a saving of about 50%.

"From Inverkeithing to Edinburgh, you will save 40% and between Inverness and Elgin it is 35% - so it's great news for our passengers."

Peak fares used to cover tickets bought before 09:15 on weekdays and certain services between 16:42 and 18:30.

The initial pilot scheme which scrapped them began in October 2023, but was ended in September 2024 following "limited success".

Passenger levels increased by a maximum of about 6.8% but the scheme required a 10% rise to be self-financing.

Ms Maguire said the trial period had seen an increase in passenger numbers and that ScotRail had enjoyed a successful summer of moving customers around to numerous big leisure events.

She added that the goal now was to grow the commuter passenger base.

The view from India

Just a few months ago, the armed forces of India and Pakistan were locked in a brief but deadly conflict.

The conflict indirectly involved a third nation – China. Pakistan's armed forces heavily used China-made equipment, including fighter jets and radar systems.

A senior army officer in Delhi said Beijing also provided "live inputs" to Pakistan on Indian positions.

India didn't take a public stand against China, but this left many asking if Delhi should continue on the path of normalising relations with Beijing.

Less than six months later, peace talks between the two Asian giants have been turbocharged by decisions taken thousands of miles away in Washington DC.

The Trump administration has imposed 50% tariffs on Indian imports, saying Delhi was being punished for its refusal to stop buying oil from Russia.

Delhi had two clear choices after this stunning onslaught from a trusted ally.

The first was to cave in and stop buying Russian oil. But it has refused to do so, largely because Russia is an "all-weather" ally and giving into pressure doesn't suit Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi's strongman image.

The second was to stand firm and seek other opportunities and India appears to have to chosen this option for now.

It's also pragmatic to look no further when your neighbour is the world's second-largest economy and a global manufacturing powerhouse.

It was in this context, that Modi met Chinese President Xi Jinping in Tianjin over the weekend.

Statements from the two sides were not heavy on details, though they promised to work through their differences to benefit their collective population of 2.8 billion people.

The immediate takeaway from the meeting was the resumption of direct flights between the two countries and making the process of issuing visas simpler.

But beyond the promise of "the elephant and the dragon" coming together, the two countries still have major roadblocks to clear before they are able to engage meaningfully.

Their first challenge comes from their immediate history.

Modi has invested personally in the India-China relationship since coming to power in 2014, visiting the neighbouring country five times until 2018.

But the 2020 border clash put brakes on this momentum and it has taken seven long years for Modi to visit China again.

The key to making further progress will depend on how the two countries deal with their border issues.

Tens of thousands of troops from both countries are still deployed at their contested borders - though there are ongoing talks between their civilian and military leaders to ease the situation.

Both Chinese and Indian readouts after the meeting this weekend talked about maintaining peace at the border and "not turning their differences into disputes".

For India, there is the issue of a burgeoning trade deficit with China, amounting to more than $99bn (£73bn).

Both countries still have high tariffs and duties against each other in many sectors.

Beijing would want India to open its market of 1.4 billion people to Chinese products, but Delhi would be wary of doing that without addressing the deficit.

The outreach to China, which started with Modi meeting Xi in Kazan last year, may have been supercharged by Trump tariffs, but ground realities for India remain unchanged.

The Modi-Xi meeting is being seen as part of India's policy of "strategic autonomy" but it will also cause more geopolitical challenges for Delhi.

India is due to host the Quad (which includes Japan, Australia and the US) summit later this year. The forum was largely seen as a challenge to China's dominance in the Indo-Pacific region.

It's not clear if Trump will attend, but if he does and says something against China, it will immediately test the renewed synergy between Delhi and Beijing.

Delhi is also part of several other multilateral forums that are perceived as anti-China and anti-Russia.

How Delhi plays its strategic autonomy in the next few months will very much influence the direction India-China ties take.

For now, it's clear that India-US ties are at an all-time low. A Trump aide recently called the Russia-Ukraine conflict "Modi's war".

Delhi has also consistently denied that Trump played any role in the ceasefire between India and Pakistan in May – this has become a constant irritant for the US president.

Despite this, India has refrained from imposing retaliatory tariffs against the US and has left the door ajar for further negotiations. After all, the US is India's biggest trading partner.

Will going closer to China help India's negotiations with the US or will it have the opposite impact?

This is the question that will likely dominate geopolitical discussions in Delhi and beyond in the coming months.

The view from China

When Xi Jinping met Narendra Modi he used what has become his favourite catchphrase for China-India relations: "The dragon and the elephant should come together".

During "this period of transformation," he added that it was vital for the world's most populous nations to be friends and good neighbours.

In a case of spectacular timing, Prime Minister Modi's visit has coincided with Donald Trump's tariffs of up to 50% on India exports to the US.

This represents quite a hit on the country's economy so New Delhi would be looking around for other business partners.

Look no further than right here, Xi may well say, as his administration attempts to rebuild from the wreckage of China-India relations following years of tension between the two.

And, if their official readouts are anything to go by, Modi's attendance at the Tianjin Summit of the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation seems to have paid off.

His published comments to Xi were much more specific than the those coming the other way.

There is now a very good window for Beijing and New Delhi to repair their strained relationship.

China's leader knows that Donald Trump's tariff onslaught is pushing India away from the United States and that this great economic rival needs other partnerships.

Considerable obstacles remain.

They include China's backing of India's key rival Pakistan; interaction of all types has been in the doldrums; angry rhetoric from both governments (over many years) has created a climate of suspicion between the Asian heavyweights and their high-mountain border dispute has stirred nationalist sentiment on both sides of the frontier.

However, with the latter of these, this meeting would appear to confirm that pressure has already eased.

Last Thursday China's Defence Ministry spokesman was talking up the success of discussions between the representatives of China and India aimed at stopping the clashes along their disputed border.

He spoke of "win-win cooperation" and celebrating the 75th anniversary of ties between the two nations.

Xi also knows that the symbolism of having Modi in China right now is considerable, that images of them shaking hands and standing side-by-by side – as the Trump tariffs on India kick in – can be a powerful propaganda tool which is made even more significant by the fact that this is a multilateral gathering.

The two will not only be joined by Vladimir Putin but by the other SCO governments like Turkey (a member of Nato), Saudi Arabia (a key US ally), Iran (a key enemy of the US) as well as Qatar, Egypt and Pakistan.

And all of this in the days before Beijing holds a massive display of military might with a parade through the heart of the capital.

He's published books authored by Donald Trump, raised millions for his 2024 campaign, and helped him staff Washington with loyalists during the US president's second term.

Now Sergio Gor is set to become Trump's man in India, while also overseeing US relations with other South and Central Asian countries.

Last week, Trump announced that he was promoting Gor, his personnel chief, to be the next US Ambassador to India. He called Gor a "great friend" and someone he could "fully trust" to deliver on the agenda.

The 38-year-old's appointment comes at a time when relations between the two countries have become strained due to Trump's punishing tariffs on India.

Gor's appointment has evoked mixed reactions in India, with some observers saying that having a close Trump aide in the post is a positive sign for India-US ties. But others have questioned Trump's decision to share his India envoy with South and Central Asian countries, which includes Pakistan, with whom India shares a tense relationship.

Experts say that Gor's broad regional mandate threatens to expose India to an overreach by Washington in its affairs with Pakistan, including on the Kashmir issue - a red line for India.

"The special envoy's additional designation will likely create some challenges, at least in India. India typically prefers not to be "hyphenated" with Pakistan," says Alyssa Ayres from the Council of Foreign Relations, an American think-tank focussed on US foreign policy.

Lawrence Haas, a former senior White House official and senior fellow at the American Foreign Policy Council, says that it could also be Trump's way of signalling to Delhi that he doesn't think the role of ambassador to India needs to be a full-time job.

"I imagine that India's leaders will feel slighted and insulted, which will further strain US-India relations," Mr Haas told the BBC.

India found itself in a similar situation in 2009, when the Obama administration reportedly considered appointing Richard Holbrooke as special envoy to Pakistan, Afghanistan and India.

Delhi reportedly lobbied against the move, leading to Holbrooke being appointed envoy to Pakistan and Afghanistan.

Trump, however, is no Obama.

Unlike his predecessor's caution, Trump openly claimed credit for brokering an end to a recent four-day conflict between India and Pakistan - a claim India flatly denied, insisting no outside power played a role in the ceasefire.

The Trump administration has also been bullish in its demands from India in a prospective trade deal, seeking greater access to dairy and farming, sectors India has been keen to protect.

It remains to be seen if Gor's presence in India will help smooth out such bumps and strengthen Washington-Delhi ties, or if he is here to crack the whip on Trump's biddings.

• Trump-Modi ties hit rock bottom with new tariffs on India over Russian oil
• Trump's 50% tariff on India kicks in as Modi urges self-reliance

Bill Drexel, a fellow at the Center for Strategy and American Statecraft at the Hudson Institute, says that because decision-making is largely driven by Trump, having an India envoy who's close to him could be a major asset to India-US ties.

"But there may be a steep learning curve given his [Gor's] limited diplomatic and regional experience," Mr Drexel says.

Ms Ayres echoes a similar view. She says that Gor's closeness with the president could help "break through" potential policy logjams.

Mr Haas, however, says that Gor's lack of diplomatic experience could pose a problem in an already strained relationship and that the US should have picked an envoy who could help improve the situation.

"Instead, I suspect that Delhi will interpret this appointment as a slap in the face and further evidence that Trump doesn't care about the relationship," he says.

Gor is said to get along not just with Trump but the entire Trump clan, including Ivanka Trump, Jared Kushner and Donald Trump Jr.

Kushner has called Gor "easygoing" and "trusted". Former congressman Matt Gaetz recalled his fun-loving side, noting he once DJed at MAGA parties in Palm Beach during Trump's exile. Western media, however, largely cast him as one of Trump's most reliable foot soldiers - someone who gets the job done.

Gor is known for vetting presidential appointees for loyalty to Trump. In June, Elon Musk branded him a "snake" after The New York Post reported that Gor had not filed the paperwork for his own permanent security clearance. The White House insisted Gor held an active clearance and is "fully compliant" with requirements.

Gor's origins are both unclear and interesting. Though he has been known to describe himself as being Maltese, he was born in 1986 in Uzbekistan when it was still a part of the Soviet Union. He reportedly spent much of his childhood in Malta before moving to the US at 12.

Gor is reported to have been interested in Republican politics from his school and college days, when he went by the name Gorokhovsky, which he later shortened to Gor.

In 2008, he became a junior staffer at the Republican National Committee and one of his jobs included wearing a squirrel costume at events to highlight Barack Obama's ties to an organisation Republicans accused of indulging in voter fraud.

After two years at Fox News, Gor worked with several Republican politicians before joining Trump's fundraising team in 2020.

A year later, he co-founded Winning Team Publishing with Donald Trump Jr., which has since released multiple Trump books, including the photobook Save America. Since 2022, he has owned a house in Florida, a short drive from Mar-a-Lago, where he is a frequent visitor.

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